northern Ireland assembly Tuesday 11 September 2007 Private Members’ Business Adjournment The Assembly met at 10.30 am (Mr Speaker in the Chair). Members observed two minutes’ silence. Mr Speaker: I want to say something about the statement that the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development made yesterday. Mr Ford raised a point of order, asking why two members of the Executive were called to ask questions of an Executive colleague. The Deputy Speaker Mr McClarty was in the Chair at the time, and he undertook to raise the matter with me. I have given it some consideration. Members will be aware that Standing Orders do not preclude Ministers from asking questions of other Ministers. However, page 36 of the ‘Northern Ireland Assembly Companion’ — I am sure that everyone has a copy with them — shows that such questions were not the usual practice in the previous Assembly. However, I believe that ministerial statements offer Members an important opportunity to hold the Executive to account. In future, therefore, I intend to call members of the Executive to ask questions following a statement from a ministerial colleague only in special circumstances. I may still call them as private Members, referring to them by name rather than by their ministerial office. I hope that that clears up that matter. It was a very good point of order, and I must say that points of order of that nature are scarce in the House. Football Offences Act Mr Speaker: The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for this debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other Members will have five minutes to speak. One amendment has been selected and published on the Marshalled List. The proposer of the amendment will have 10 minutes to propose and five minutes to make a winding-up speech. Mr McCarthy: I beg to move That this Assembly congratulates the Irish Football Association on its campaign against sectarianism and, in order to strengthen powers of sporting bodies to deal with sectarianism and violence in sports grounds, calls on the Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure to commence consultation, with a view to introducing to Northern Ireland an Act similar to the Football (Offences) Act 1991. I want to begin by stating clearly that the Alliance Party’s position is that any legislation designed to address the conduct of spectators at sporting events should not simply consider association football but must cover all sports that are played competitively in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has a long and proud tradition of achievement in all sports. All sections of the community can be justly proud of that legacy. Sport can be a unifying and positive force for good in our society. Northern Irish football, for example, is currently on the crest of a wave — if we ignore Saturday evening’s performance against Latvia — and it brings a tremendous sense of pride and enthusiasm to everyone. As with all sporting success, the football team represents an opportunity for this country to be seen in a positive light across the world, helping us to demonstrate that we are emerging from a troubled past, working towards a brighter future and welcoming people from all religious, cultural and ethnic backgrounds into our society. I stress my understanding that the vast majority of spectators and supporters want nothing more than to enjoy the atmosphere of a competitive event and to support their chosen team, or player, in a peaceful manner. Indeed, I wish to recognise and commend the Amalgamation of Official Northern Ireland Supporters Clubs on its outstanding work and, in particular, its Football for All ethos, which is promoted by the Irish Football Association (IFA) and encourages participation by everyone, regardless of political affiliation, cultural identity, gender, religious background or disability. I congratulate the amalgamation on being awarded the Brussels International Supporters Award 2006 for this vital work and also its efforts for charity. I note remarks made by Michael Boyd, the IFA’s head of community relations, that efforts to combat abuse have had a positive impact on the number of spectators attending Northern Ireland football matches, with regular sell-out games. The Northern Ireland shirt is now flying off the shelves, which is good news; let us hope that the shirts are manufactured locally. The Gaelic Football Association (GAA) and other sporting bodies in Northern Ireland have also made positive outreach efforts, which is a welcome step. We congratulate all those organisations. However, we must sadly acknowledge that all too often local sporting events have been hijacked by groups of individuals and used as an outlet for disturbing expressions of bigotry, hatred and intolerance. Those allegations have also been made against individual players. The Government have acknowledged the need for movement in their action plan on a shared future; a specific action point in that plan is that, after a consultation period, the provisions of the Football (Offences) Act 1991 would be introduced to Northern Ireland. Although any legislation should cover all spectator sports and will require tweaking to address specific Northern Ireland issues, the 1991 Act is the best place to start. That tough legislation has helped to stamp out a culture of hooliganism and hatred in English club football. Northern Ireland’s recent past has witnessed a catalogue of shameful incidents in which there have been actual and alleged instances of sectarian threats and abuse. The result has been that talented young sportspeople, such as Neil Lennon, who plays soccer, and Darren Graham, who plays GAA sports, withdrew from sporting life in the Province, leaving it the poorer for their absence. However, I am delighted to report that Darren Graham has now returned to play the game that he loves. Players who come from ethnic minorities have also been subject to outrageous abuse. That should not — and cannot — be tolerated. The excellent work of the IFA in tackling such issues has been encouraging, particularly its campaign to kick sectarianism out of football. I also welcome its Football Without Frontiers initiative, which has been designed to combat racism and sectarianism and which brings together experts from the UK and Ireland to work on those issues. International bodies such as the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) have disciplinary regulations on discrimination. Those measures are welcome and should be introduced in Northern Ireland. The Assembly should support those measures through its legislative process. The Football (Offences) Act 1991 provides a useful template for any legislation, as its remit covers any act that occurs at a ground, including events that take place in the two hours before the advertised start of a match and up to one hour after it has ended. The 1991 Act also makes offences of indecent racial chanting, throwing missiles and entering the playing area. The football banning orders that have been imposed in England, Scotland and Wales can guide us when we come to devise penalties for offences. Such is the seriousness of some offences that, in certain cases, a lifetime ban from domestic and international events would not be inappropriate. Positive steps to eliminate discrimination in sport have been proven not only to have real societal benefits but commercial benefits. I understand that society must also address discrimination, but that is a longer-term objective. However, with the prospect of a multi-sports stadium being built in Northern Ireland — I use the word “prospect” deliberately — sport here is entering a new era. We should do everything that we can to support it. I recognise that discrimination in sport is dealt with by the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure and the NIO, given that the latter’s remit encompasses public order and incitement to hatred. However, I encourage the Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure, who, I am glad to see, is with us today and is paying particular attention to what I am saying, to take the lead on this important issue. As elected representatives, we must send the clear message that there is no place for hatred in any part of society in Northern Ireland and that competitors and true fans should be allowed to enjoy and participate in sporting activities, free from persecution of any kind. To date, legislation that our Executive have made has been sparse, to say the least. Our new Assembly now has an opportunity to begin to do what its representatives were elected to do, which is to legislate. I ask for Members’ support for the motion. Mr McNarry: I beg to move the following amendment: Leave out all after the first “sectarianism” and insert “, urges all sporting bodies in Northern Ireland to undertake similar initiatives against sectarianism; and calls on the Northern Ireland Office to commence consultation with a view to introducing legislation to address sectarianism, racism and violence associated with all sporting events.” The Ulster Unionists welcome the opportunity to debate sectarianism, racism and violence in sport. I am sure that the House joins me in thanking the three Members in whose names the motion stands. Our amendment is intended to do nothing more than strengthen the motion, and, in doing so, it will inject into the debate an immediate sense of bounce and vitality by tackling the ability of legislation to correct at source. We must, therefore, lay responsibility at the door of the Northern Ireland Office and say to it that a serious problem exists, which it must approach with a clear objective. That clear objective is to introduce quickly the legislation that is necessary to support those who are working to stamp out the evils of sectarianism, racism and violence. As ever, I am pleased to see in the House the Minister who is responsible for sports. No doubt, however, he will confirm that such legislation is a reserved matter. Moreover, I hope that he will confirm his willingness to encourage the NIO to act swiftly to introduce the legislation that the Assembly requires. 10.45 am That legislation, in the words of our amendment, would take Northern Ireland beyond a single sports Act to distilling an all-embracing law that caters for multiple sports events. Regrettably, however, that legislation carries with it evidence of our society’s inability to overcome sectarianism and racism without resorting to, and depending on, new laws — evidence that points equally to failings in society itself. We cannot be proud to admit that laws are now required to deal with the yobs and louts who give sport a bad name. It is a pity, too, that bias, ignorance, intolerance and downright bloody-minded unwillingness prevent some from appreciating the talent and great skills of sportsmen and sportswomen, let alone serve to obstruct others from the pleasure and pride of competing for the team because they love, and want to play in, a game of sport. The Ulster Unionist amendment was tabled to widen the scope and impact of new laws, and to ensure that they will contain a decisive mechanism to remove sectarianism, racism and violence from sport. The motion singles out one sport through a call to introduce legislation similar to the Football (Offences) Act 1991; our amendment, however, intends the same law for all sports, because none should, or can, be excluded — not even tiddlywinks in the leisure centre or croquet on the public lawn — as long as sectarian, racist louts can, and do, stalk even that kind of sports event. Our amendment asks the House to send a serious and significant signal to all sports. That should first be done by highlighting and complimenting the Irish Football Association’s magnificent efforts. Secondly, all should be alerted to the fact that no sport can be complacent, because none is free from sectarianism and hatred. Sectarianism, racism and associated violence are not confined to soccer, nor are those problems only for the IFA to address. To call for legislation is correct; however, let us do it properly, by covering all sports, including Gaelic games, which are among the highest spectator sports in Northern Ireland, and at which recent appalling incidents of sectarianism made headline news. Those headlines shocked and rocked the sport, and caught the attention of those with little interest in, and knowledge of, Gaelic sports. They were a timely reminder of the brutality of sectarianism — a wake-up call to knock us out of complacency, highlighting how a young player can be harmed to the extent that he stated a desire to quit the hurling game that he loved so much, because he could take no more sectarian abuse. Such incidents have no place in sport or society, and must be stopped. Although I support the introduction of legislation to stop the ugliness of sectarianism and racist abuse, I suspect that enforcing such laws will not be an easy task. That must be examined in the consultation that will follow this debate. Earlier, I mentioned sending a signal to the NIO. I trust that today the House will couple that with a strong message to the louts and yobs that they are not wanted at sporting events. It would be better for both sport and society if there were no need to bring in new laws to protect against sectarianism, racism and violence in sport, both on and off the field. However, the harsh facts of reality tell us otherwise: there is a need. Today, that need has been strongly identified, just as the demand for a sporting culture free from sectarianism and yobbish behaviour has also been made, and, I sense, just as strongly. As with all matters where change can make a positive difference, we may not see an immediate improvement, but we can content ourselves in the knowledge that tomorrow’s young players and tomorrow’s supporters will surely benefit from the decision that I trust Members will take today. There is not a great difference between the motion and the amendment; however, the difference is sufficient. The motion does not refer the issue of legislation to Northern Ireland, where ultimately the responsibility will rest for the foreseeable future. The amendment is, therefore, more suitably prescriptive and more exacting in its representation of the Assembly’s views. I ask the sponsors of the motion to consider fully the merits of the Ulster Unionist amendment and the House as a whole to support it. Mr McCausland: Today’s motion addresses sectarianism in sport, which is but one facet of a problem that surrounds us — sectarianism in our society. I am happy to support the amendment, because it broadens the debate from just sectarianism to include racism and the violence associated with all sporting events. The IFA is to be commended for the good work that it has done in tackling sectarianism. There is also a recognition that the two other main sports — rugby football and Gaelic games — must be considered when dealing with sectarianism. I support the introduction, through the Northern Ireland Office and Westminster, of a sports offences Act that would cover all the principal games. It should cover not only violence, sectarianism and antisocial behaviour in and around the grounds, but address the involvement of alcohol in some of that antisocial behaviour. Today, we have been able to commend the IFA. However, I want to focus on something that Mr McNarry touched on — the situation regarding Gaelic games. The case of Darren Graham highlighted a problem with Gaelic sports. His presence shows that the GAA is not a totally Roman Catholic organisation; clearly, there are people from the Protestant community who take part in Gaelic games. However, although the organisation is perhaps 99% Roman Catholic, it is 100% nationalist. That is the key issue. The GAA introduces something to sport that should not be there. It has, built into its constitution, a nationalist ethos, ambition and aspiration. A careful reading of the GAA’s constitution shows that very clearly to be the case. That nationalist, and, in some cases, republican, aspiration is reflected in several ways. Many GAA grounds are named after republican heroes or, as people from my community would certainly view them, terrorists. In addition, there are not only grounds — I have a long list, but I would not be able to cover them all in five minutes —but clubs named after republicans. There are also competitions named after republican terrorists. Even the two premier trophies in the Gaelic world — for Gaelic football and hurling — are named after men who were members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. It is often pointed out by propagandists for the GAA that Sam Maguire came from a Church of Ireland background in County Cork. In fact, Sam Maguire was a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, a gunrunner, a terrorist — Mrs D Kelly: Will the Member give way? Mr McCausland: I have one minute and 20 seconds remaining, so I do not have time. I can discuss matters with the Member later. I have a long list with which to deal. It is important that we deal with this issue. The premier GAA trophy is named after Sam Maguire, and it was taken around this Building by one of the leading Sinn Féin Members. Indeed, the Deputy First Minister has had that trophy in this Building in the past. It is not surprising that one finds a difficulty with the republican ethos in the GAA when the premier trophy is named after someone who was implicated in the murders of members of society in London and elsewhere. Sam Maguire was an intelligence officer in the Irish Republican Brotherhood who set up people to be murdered. He used his position in the Post Office in London to bring guns into Ireland. All of that tells me that there is a problem that is peculiar and unique to the GAA. That is not an issue that arises in football, where clubs tend to be named after the local town or a particular place. That is perfectly normal practice elsewhere in the world. In rugby football, a similar situation prevails, but the GAA is an organisation that is 100% nationalist, and I hope that when dealing with the wider issue, that matter will be addressed. Mr P Maskey: Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Ba mhaith liom cúpla focal a rá sa díospóireacht seo. I wish to commend and congratulate the Members who brought the motion before the House. However, I am disappointed with the remarks of the previous contributor. We are supposed to be discussing a motion that covers sports, but the Member went into history in great detail. Fair play to him for his knowledge and his learning of history. However, it is a shame that his speech addressed just one particular sport. I take this opportunity to wish both the Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland soccer teams well in their European Championship qualifying endeavours. I hope that both teams qualify for the championships. I hope that, one day, we will see an all-Ireland football team. We should look at the example of rugby, which has shown great leadership and courage in the past. An all-Ireland football team would show great leadership and courage to all the fans on the island of Ireland, would further reduce the level of sectarianism and would help the integration of newcomers to our society. I wish to commend the IFA on its campaign against sectarianism. I congratulate Michael Boyd and the community relations department on its achievements. That department has been proactively out in our communities, delivering programmes to reduce sectarianism and to make football a more inclusive sport. Unfortunately, there are still individuals who chant sectarian songs and fly flags in the grounds. That deters some sections of the community from attending games. I visited the IFA’s website at the weekend and read its Football for All section. The IFA’s community relations policy statement states: “The IFA respects and values diversity. We endeavour to provide an environment which values and enables the full involvement of all people, in all aspects and at every level of Northern Ireland football, regardless of perceived cultural identity, political affiliation or religious beliefs. We believe in the philosophy of Football For All.” That is an important statement, which shows that the IFA is taking the matter seriously. I also wish to congratulate the GAA on its response to the incidents in Fermanagh, to which other Members have referred. Both the IFA and the GAA deserve congratulations. However, the fact that this motion is before the House is a clear message that there remains sectarianism, racism and violence in sports grounds. We must stop that. The Football (Offences) Act 1991 makes it an offence for fans to throw missiles or to chant indecent or racial slogans. That is good, and we can support that. However, sporting bodies, associations and clubs have a responsibility to stamp out such behaviour. Sectarianism and racism come in many forms and must be stopped immediately. If it comes to the attention of clubs or associations that someone — a fan, a player, or a club official — is acting in a sectarian or racist manner, officials should act immediately and bar that person from future games. 11.00 am We must ensure that sport is open to everyone and that everyone is made welcome whether they are taking part or are just spectators. In concluding, I support the motion and commend the Members who tabled it. However, it must be recognised that reducing sectarianism will not be achieved by just introducing legislation — indeed, if we had our own justice powers, we could make such legislation ourselves and not have to invite outside bodies to do so. A lot of hard work will be required by the sporting bodies to introduce anti-racism and anti-sectarianism programmes, education programmes and other initiatives to their members, players, officials, fans and associations, and to show real leadership in stamping out racism and sectarianism. Let us all give racism and sectarianism the red card. Go raibh maith agat. Mr P Ramsey: I commend Kieran McCarthy for tabling the motion. If it were not for him, we would not have had the amendment that was moved by David McNarry. The SDLP will be supporting the motion and the amendment because there are clear reasons for doing so. It was extremely disappointing that Nelson McCausland used almost four and a half minutes of his speech to have a go at the GAA. The GAA’s presentation to the Committee for Culture, Arts and Leisure was, without doubt, the most extensive with regard to raising young people in a holistic way in areas such as discipline, health, education and social engagement. That view was accepted by the Committee, and that language was used by the DUP. I did not think that his speech was fair given the approach that he took during the presentation to the Committee. The Football (Offences) Act 1991 deserves serious consideration in Northern Ireland. Despite the considerable efforts being made at association level in soccer, rugby and Gaelic, sectarian, racist and abusive chanting is the reality at sports grounds across Northern Ireland week in and week out. The Act makes it an offence to make indecent or racialist chants at a football ground. The Act also defines indecent or racialist chanting as being such that is abusive or insulting to a person by reason of his colour, race, nationality or creed. Central records of prosecutions under the Act in Britain have only been kept since 2001. According to the Department of Culture, Media and Sport, 93 people were convicted for racist or indecent chanting between the beginning of the 2001-02 season and 2005. Unfortunately, that figure would have been considerably higher had the legislation been introduced into Northern Ireland during that period. However, simply extending the Act to Northern Ireland may not be adequate for two reasons: first, it does not specify sectarian chanting; secondly, it only applies to soccer. I welcome the Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure’s announcement yesterday to market Northern Ireland as a region in which athletes can prepare for the 2012 Olympics. That will be hugely important for the quality of life here. However, the negative impacts of sectarianism, as reported in the press, do not go down well, particularly at international level. The IFA, the Irish Rugby Football Union (IRFU) and the GAA deserve to be supported in their ongoing efforts to stamp out unacceptable behaviour. Over the past decade, significant steps have been taken to address sectarian perceptions. The GAA has abolished rule 21, and the IFA’s Football for All campaign has been rightly praised by Members and has gone a long way towards putting an end to sectarianism. The IRFU introduced ‘Ireland’s Call’ as a unifying common anthem for Irish rugby. There is no acceptable level of abuse in society, and there can be no place for it in sport. It is the Assembly’s job to provide legal protection to those who are tasked with enforcing the standards that we set for ourselves. Had appropriate legislation been in place during the summer, those who taunted Darren Graham, a young Protestant who had played football and hurling for Fermanagh at under-21 level, could have expected to face prosecution, and the Ballymena supporters, who, in the words of Linfield manager David Jeffrey, hurled abuse at his Catholic players, would be facing the prospect of not seeing an Irish league match for quite some time. Young people are not born bad, and they are certainly not born with sectarianism in their blood. As politicians, it is our job to set an example. However, unfortunately, at times, we have heard sectarian comments and chants in this Chamber, which is not a good example for the leaders of the community to be setting. The Minister should issue a consultation document at post-primary level and at all-spectator level for discussion in the community. The community wants the leadership that such consultation would provide. Young people, irrespective of background, should feel free, content and comfortable when playing whatever sport they want in Northern Ireland. Lord Browne: I support the amendment. The majority of sporting events in Northern Ireland pass off without any trouble, and only a minority of fans, on a few occasions, are involved in sectarian abuse or violence. Unfortunately, there have been occasions when religious sectarianism has come to the fore in every sport, along with sporadic outbreaks of hooliganism — no sport has been immune from antisocial behaviour. Recently, in rugby, Welsh players allegedly suffered racial abuse from spectators and players, and in GAA, a Down player was abused at Casement Park. Tackling this deep-seated problem is not easy, and legislation will not provide the whole answer. We must all take action and work in partnership, using educational and promotional methods, with sports governing bodies, local clubs, the police and the community itself. Major steps have been taken in Great Britain as regards legislative controls, investments, and improvements in infrastructure. Unfortunately, those steps have not been taken in Northern Ireland, and a principal difficulty for clubs here is that legislation making it an offence to carry drink on supporters’ buses or bring alcohol onto the terraces applies in other areas of the United Kingdom, such as Scotland, but does not apply here. The police here are powerless to act in such circumstances. It is important that the safety legislation introduced in 2006 is fully enacted, as well as ancillary public order legislation, which regulates spectators’ behaviour in relation to hooliganism and excessive drinking. That legislation should apply to all major stadiums: rugby, GAA, football and so on. The Glentoran Community Trust is an organisation in my constituency that may provide an example of how the problem can be tackled. It is the first trust of its kind to be set up in Northern Ireland, and during the short time that it has been established, it has enrolled 400 members and launched an initiative to encourage cross-community interest. The trust has involved Glentoran Football Club, which has established good relations with the principal of St Joseph’s Primary School in St Comgall’s parish, Ballyhackamore, with a view to encouraging pupils to visit the local football club. The school has an enrolment of 160 pupils, of which 40% are from the Filipino and Polish ethnic minorities. Glentoran Community Trust and Glentoran Football Club have brought pupils to the club and published information in both languages. Such educational initiatives encourage people to take an active part in tackling sectarianism. The trust has also obtained grants and replaced paramilitary murals in east Belfast with portraits of the Glentoran greats. However, I must declare that I am a member of Linfield Football Club. That club is to be congratulated on its scheme, Support for Sport, through which it has attempted to address the issues also. Linfield Football Club has allowed the local ladies’ camogie team to practise on its ground under floodlights. Belfast Harlequins Rugby Football Club has also been encouraging in that area, and all those actions help to promote a love of sport. Linfield — the current Irish League champions — have undertaken a great deal of hard work. Some Members already have congratulated the IFA on its Football for All programme, which has been very successful because of its community relations officer. I am happy to support the amended motion. Mr Brolly: Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. I will be brief as I do not want to repeat anything that has already been said. An important point that Wallace made is that action on the issue should start at club level. Legislation is not the answer to any of the problems. We must get to a point at which nothing happens that makes us think that legislation may be necessary. Linfield Football Club has done great work, as has the IFA, and I appreciate that great work. However, of all the sports played in Ireland, soccer is the only one that is not played to any extent on an all-Ireland basis. Although not a panacea, it might remedy the problem of sectarianism to some extent if soccer followers were exposed to more all-Ireland competition. The Setanta Sports Cup is an important competition that has had a big influence on the more successful teams in the North, particularly Linfield. To leave the cocoon of the Six Counties may help supporters to broaden their minds and see sport as sport, rather than as a means of exhibiting narrow-mindedness and sectarianism. Miss McIlveen: I am in favour of the amendment. Some Members who spoke mentioned the possibility of one team for the island. Were they to attend, or even watch, a Northern Ireland match, they would realise that there already is only one team in Ireland — that being Northern Ireland, of course. Since 1998, the IFA, in partnership with the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, the Sports Council for Northern Ireland — now Sport Northern Ireland — and the Amalgamation of Official Northern Ireland Supporters Clubs, has worked to remove sectarianism from football through the Football for All community relations programme. As a Northern Ireland supporter who has attended home internationals in Windsor Park since the late 1980s, I have witnessed first-hand the change in atmosphere at the stadium, where there is now an inclusive, family-orientated, football-focused environment. That is due in no small part to self-policing by the Northern Ireland supporters clubs. I congratulate them on the work that they do in that regard. Anyone attending Windsor Park will be serenaded throughout the 90 minutes with such modern classics as ‘Away in a Manger’, ‘We’re not Brazil, We’re Northern Ireland’ and ‘Stand up for the Ulstermen’. Fans now recognise that we are the twelfth man, and the positive atmosphere and support that we generate has helped our national team to famous victories against England, Spain and Sweden. However, as supporting the team becomes more fashionable, a danger exists of attracting a thuggish element. I had the great pleasure of accompanying the green and white army on its excursion to Latvia at the weekend. Although the result did not go our way, the noise and carnival atmosphere generated by Northern Ireland fans in Skonto Stadium was reminiscent of the wonderful nights that I have experienced at Windsor Park. Speaking to fans before and after the game, I was made aware of scattered incidents of clashes with local police. That was a result of a combination of heavy-handedness by the Latvian authorities and of drinking and stupid behaviour by a small proportion of Northern Ireland fans. That is a worrying development. Northern Ireland fans are proud of their title of best fans in Europe, and they do not want that kind of behaviour to tarnish their good name. The Football (Offences) Act 1991 introduced several offences aimed at removing missile throwing, indecent and racialist chanting, and pitch invasions. 11.15 am Other legislation has been promulgated since then to strengthen the football authorities’ grip on the hooligan element. The Football (Offences and Disorder) Act 1999, which amended the Football (Spectators) Act 1989, not only concerns itself with domestic football, but gives the courts the power to impose banning orders at domestic and international games. Coupled with that are tighter controls on ticket touting, which are contained in the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994. The Sporting Events (Control of Alcohol etc.) Act 1985, now amended by the Licensing Act 2003, prevents drunk people from entering a football ground when a designated football match is taking place; the consumption of alcohol on certain coaches, trains and motor vehicles travelling to a designated football match; and the possession of fireworks, flares and similar items at designated matches. Sadly, although the IFA has sought to deal with the problems that were evident in domestic football and at international matches, the GAA is perceived as an inherently sectarian organisation. Several Members have mentioned the recent example of Darren Graham, a young Protestant who simply wants to play the sport that he loves. Had he not highlighted the bigotry that he faced, does anyone believe that he would have been given the apologies and assurances that it would not happen again? I do not. Rule 7(b) of the GAA’s constitution states that the association should be non-sectarian. However, supporters are led by example. What chance do they have when GAA grounds and competitions are named after IRA volunteers who murdered their way through decades of sectarian violence? Sectarianism must be stamped out of all sports. Perhaps the GAA will follow the IFA’s lead. I look forward to a “GAA for all” initiative and a “kick sectarianism out of the GAA” campaign. Mr McCausland: Will the Member agree that it is not simply a matter of tackling sectarianism on the terraces, but of tackling the institutionalised political sectarianism that is embedded in the constitution of the organisation to which she has just referred? Miss McIlveen: I absolutely agree with the Member and I thank him for his intervention. A wide range of legislation must be introduced in order to be effective. I, therefore, support the amendment, which calls for a package of legislative measures. Furthermore, I agree that such legislation should encompass all sports so that all sporting bodies are given the tools to deal with sectarianism, violence and all forms of antisocial behaviour. Sporting events should be about what is happening on the pitch or field and about the pleasure and anguish of competition, not abuse and intimidation. Mr McElduff: Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Tá sé in am dúinn uilig an cárta dearg a thaispeáint do sheicteachas sa spórt. Tá mé ar aon intinn le Paul Maskey ar an ábhar sin. I agree with Paul Maskey, who said that it is high time to give sectarianism and racism the red card in sport. At the outset, I wish to say that Armagh supporters are not in any way biased: they do not care who beats Tyrone. There are great rivalries and battles in sport. I commend Wallace Browne for being able to transcend that great divide between Linfield and Glentoran football clubs, which must have taken huge effort. I also commend Kieran McCarthy for proposing the motion and David McNarry, who said that there is no room for complacency on this matter. The motion specifically refers to the IFA. I acknowledge the good work that has been done by its Football for All campaign. During the summer, I visited Whiterock leisure centre in west Belfast for an imaginative and well-organised fun day. I went there in the company of Professor Eric Saunders, who is the Cathaoirleach of Sport NI. We witnessed a great occasion during which young sport stars were introduced to their own community; people such as Jane Adams, who is a camogie all-star several times over. I was pleasantly surprised to find that there are young people from that community who are on the books of, for example, St Paul’s Gaelic Athletic Club and Linfield Football Club at the same time. Apart from anything else, those young people are extremely busy making a positive contribution to sport. I found it significant to learn that young people are on the books of both a Gaelic football club and Linfield Football Club. Good work must be acknowledged and commended. Sport can be a tremendous unifier. It is no excuse for abusive behaviour of any kind. Like Francie Brolly, I pay tribute to those clubs that, at local level, exert hugely positive influences on young people — which are clearly seen — in the areas of health and responsibility. I witnessed those influences when I met the GAA’s Ulster council and learned about all the work that is carried out at a local level. The introduction of defibrillators in clubs throughout Tyrone and Armagh is a good example of those clubs’ influence on health matters. The extent of that scheme is being widened. The GAA, the IFA, and all the responsible bodies, have a lot of work to do. They do good work. Members know that Gaelic games are my code. One issue that has not been raised in the Assembly, and which I feel strongly about, concerns international soccer. Darron Gibson has recently come under a lot of pressure because he opted to play for the Twenty-six Counties team. Darron comes from Derry. He made the choice to play for that team. I hope that FIFA will catch up with the Good Friday Agreement in respecting the right of any individual to determine his or her own national identity, and not to penalise anyone involved in those matters. Basically, action must be taken to ensure that sectarianism is given the red card, as Paul Maskey has said. There should be no equivocation in the matter a Cheann Comhairle. Mr Shannon: The issue of sectarianism in sport is one that I feel strongly about. I support the amendment put forward by the Ulster Unionist Party. I have been an avid fan of Northern Ireland’s football team since my youth, which was not yesterday: I go back a few years. I have travelled to foreign lands to watch the Northern Ireland team play. I did not go to Latvia, which was just as well. I have stood in rain and shine to cheer on my team. I have remained proud of my home team throughout all their efforts. Some Members may know that I watched the Northern Ireland team play in Spain in the 1982 World Cup. That was one of the best teams that Northern Ireland has ever had. I also supported my home team in Mexico in 1986. Therefore, I have been around when it comes to supporting Northern Ireland’s teams. I have watched many players come and go. I have seen some of the greats wear green and white — and manage the team. In recent years, I have seen a change in the way that things are handled. It has been a good change. Since 2001, there has been a concerted effort by team members and fans alike, facilitated by the IFA, to stamp out sectarianism and to go back to the roots of team support — a love for the team and the beautiful game. No longer are songs like ‘The Billy Boys’ resounding throughout Windsor Park. We cheer songs such as ‘We’re not Brazil, We’re Northern Ireland’, which I do not intend to sing. I suspect that, like my colleague, Michelle McIlveen, I would not sound very melodious. I would probably bring the rain on. Mr McElduff: The slogan ‘We’re not Brazil, We’re Northern Ireland’ could have been applied to the foot-and-mouth crisis as well. Mr Shannon: I do not think so. Obviously, Barry has a different sense of humour from me. We no longer leave our children at home, but bring them with us to support the country. My sons, who are now young men, no longer have to leave the game early in case of violence, as they did when they were wee boys. We can now watch to the glorious or the bitter end, depending on the score. That change has also been remarked upon by others. That is why Northern Ireland’s fans are the best fans in Europe. That is not me saying that — it was attested by the award of the Brussels International Supporters Award of 2006. The Football for All initiative has reaped its reward. However, only so much can be achieved by the IFA. The motion has been proposed to put powers into place that will back up the Football for All initiative. However, I do not believe that the motion goes far enough, in two respects. The first is that the three main offences under the Football (Offences) Act 1991 — pitch invasion; indecent or racialist chanting; and the throwing of missiles — do not fully address all the issues. The obvious omissions begin with sectarian chanting, alcohol control, ticket touting at matches, and the important football banning order, which would ensure that our team falls into line with legislation that governs other European football teams. Our Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure Mr Poots is making an effort to address that issue. He is working with the NIO to introduce those measures so that sporting bodies, in their efforts to stamp out the nonsense in the matches, can have the backup of the PSNI and the Home Office. Thus the game can once again become one that father and son, mother and daughter, and so on, can enjoy the victory and spoils of the event. The IFA has achieved a fan base that realises that to support a team means to do exactly that — support it, not drag others down. Those fans want the prerequisites for attending matches to be a simple love of the game and a desire to create a family atmosphere — and not the fact that a fan comes from a particular background. Those efforts need to be backed by further legislation — and more than simply the Football (Offences) Act 1991. There is no doubt that sectarianism in GAA sports is very much in the spotlight following the recent revelations about the young Protestant, Darren Graham. My colleagues and other Members have already mentioned the matter, and the young man’s experience has been well documented, so I do not intend to dwell on it. However, it is unacceptable that he should feel that he has to leave the sport, and the GAA’s attempts to ensure that such an incident does not happen again must be given power by backing up the PSNI and legislation to ensure that the sport is player-friendly and supporter-friendly and can be enjoyed by those from all backgrounds. Many young men of my age — I say young men, but perhaps the word “young”is not entirely accurate — would have enjoyed watching a Gaelic match in years gone by, but yet would feel uncomfortable doing so now. Most Protestant young people do not know how the game is played or what the scoring rules are. Those issues must be addressed. The IFA has brought Northern Ireland fans from a dark place into a brighter place. The GAA should take note and apply the same principles so that it can achieve the same result. Our children need to support all sports in which we as a nation participate. They should enjoy the victories of Northern Ireland and view them as a way of letting others see that we are more than a small country — we are a small country with a big heart and soul. The Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure (Mr Poots): Mr Speaker, I thank you for giving the Assembly the opportunity to have this debate. I welcome the opportunity and appreciate the fact that the motion and amendment have been brought forward today, while recognising that there is a need to address issues of sectarianism, violence, racism and antisocial behaviour at sporting venues across Northern Ireland. However, sectarianism and hooliganism are not simply a problem for the world of sport and football; they are societal problems that sometimes find their voices at sporting venues. It is, therefore, a complex matter that requires the introduction of a wide range of measures if it is to be successfully combated. Against that background, I wish to pay tribute to the IFA’s excellent work to tackle sectarianism and hooliganism in soccer as part of its Football for All campaign. Since 1998, the IFA has had a full-time community relations officer who works in partnership with the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, Sport Northern Ireland and the Amalgamation of Official Northern Ireland Supporters’ Clubs. Tribute should also be paid to the amalgamation for the support that it has given to the IFA in dealing with those issues. Members should be aware that, last year, delegates from UEFA and the European Union awarded the amalgamation the Brussels International Supporters’ Award 2006 for its efforts to stamp out sectarianism. It is widely accepted that the work of the IFA, supported by the amalgamation, has gone a long way towards reducing the incidence of sectarianism and hooliganism in soccer. That work strongly complements what the Government are trying to achieve through their ‘A Shared Future’ initiative, particularly with regard to promoting equality and good relations across all communities. The IFA’s Football for All initiative continues to reaffirm my belief in the contribution that sport can make to the promotion of the objectives in ‘A Shared Future’. I have sought to reflect that belief in the new draft strategy for sport and physical recreation, which should be published in the near future. However, if we want to maximise the contribution that sport can make to those objectives, we must also examine closely the problems that it faces. All our major sporting venues are dated and fall short of modern standards for safety and comfort. That situation is not conducive to encouraging either good attendance or acceptable standards of behaviour among spectators. That is one of several issues that must be addressed if we are to tackle successfully problems of violent and disorderly conduct among spectators. 11.30 am In response to those issues, my Department has already introduced an initiative on safety at sports grounds, including new legislation in the form of The Safety of Sports Grounds (Northern Ireland) Order 2006, which is designed to promote safety at major sporting venues. Over the past three years, my Department has also provided £9 million to Sport Northern Ireland to assist with the introduction of its stadia safety programme, the aims of which are to help clubs improve the standard of facilities at their venues and to promote responsible management of major sports events. The improvement of the physical infrastructure of sports grounds is, of course, only one dimension. The human dimension is equally important. Since my appointment as Minister for sport, I have received representations on the need for legislation to deal with hooliganism and sectarianism at sports grounds. Having given those matters careful consideration, I am now satisfied that offences must be created around unauthorised pitch incursion; offensive chanting and missile throwing; bringing bottles, flares and fireworks into grounds; the carrying and drinking of alcohol on special public transport on the way to and from designated matches, and during such matches; and ticket touting. The introduction of a football banning order regime for Northern Ireland will be critical when we qualify for next year’s European Championship finals tournament. Some Members: Hear, hear. Mr Poots: Members will, however, appreciate that those measures, although related to sport, are in fact public order measures. The power to introduce them into Northern Ireland, therefore, does not lie with this Assembly. Those are reserved matters, and remain the responsibility of the Northern Ireland Office. In light of that, I wrote recently to the Minister with responsibility for criminal justice at the Northern Ireland Office, Paul Goggins, informing him of my keenness to make early progress in this area, in the interests of both sport and public safety. I have also asked Mr Goggins for his co-operation in taking these matters forward as expeditiously as possible. I am pleased to report that I have received a letter from Mr Goggins in which he says that he will be happy to work with me to agree an appropriate package of measures. I intend to meet Mr Goggins later this month with a view to taking the issue forward with the Northern Ireland Office. Mr Campbell: The Minister has mentioned some of the responsibilities of the Northern Ireland Office and said that he wants to make pitch incursion an offence in the proposed legislation. Is it not the case that many people in Northern Ireland believe that a similar Order could and should have been introduced by a previous incumbent in the Northern Ireland Office — Mr Peter Hain, the Secretary of State? Had he introduced such legislation, however, a great deal of attention would have been paid to his past activities, including pitch incursions at sporting events many years ago, and embarrassing questions might have been asked. Mr Poots: The Member knows that Ministers are not privy to the papers of their predecessors, but I understand his point. In conclusion, I welcome the Assembly’s interest in this matter. I assure the House that I am doing all in my power to ensure that early progress is made in the introduction of new public order offences relating to sports grounds. I firmly believe that they have a key part to play in improving safety at sports grounds and in combating sectarianism, racism and violence in sport and in society at large. Progress in this direction will also go a long way towards making our major sports venues more attractive to a larger and wider audience, which is critically important for the development of sport in Northern Ireland. Mr K Robinson: It will be difficult to amend the motion in the light of the Minister’s statement, which was very welcome, and which described the work that his Department and the Northern Ireland Office are doing to grasp the nettle of sectarianism and racism in sport. I will summarise Members’ contributions. Members across the Chamber have co-operated on the issue, and I welcome the fact that all parties appear to support the UUP amendment, which was designed to add breadth to the original motion. Everyone has recognised that sectarianism and racism are problems in our community but that those issues do not reside only around sports grounds, of whatever code. Unfortunately, sectarianism and racism are endemic, and they must be treated in various ways by all sections of society. Legislation may play a role in defining some of the necessary moves, but, for progress to be made, the clubs must make the real moves with individuals and associations across the cultural divide. Most Members have taken a modern approach, but Jim Shannon almost stole my thunder. I think that I am one of the oldest Members present today — A Member: You are. Mr K Robinson: I admit to that. As a schoolboy, I went to the infamous Northern Ireland versus Italy match, when the referee and linesmen failed to turn up. Sixty thousand people in Windsor Park were waiting for the match, so a local referee and linesmen were thrown into the den. The match took place and finished up in a riot because of some Continental tactics that had never been experienced in Northern Irish soccer. The match was eventually replayed, and Northern Ireland won, going on to play in international competition in Europe. In those days, the facilities were non-existent, and the toilets were medieval. As a young fellow, my feet were lifted off the ground, and I was carried out through the gates on the backs of thousands of people who were squeezing their way out of the grounds. Fortunately, grounds and safety levels have improved over the generations. The Minister’s comments this morning indicate that his Department will prioritise the future safety of grounds. Over the past 16 years, the Northern Ireland Office failed to grasp the opportunity to address the problem of sectarianism and racism. The initiative shown by the IFA and its supporters is to be welcomed. The GAA’s moves to address sectarianism in County Fermanagh are also to be welcomed. The behaviour that is reported in the media seems to focus on soccer and, sometimes, on Gaelic sports. However, there are also problems with other sports, either before or after the match, which are referred to as a “bit of laddism”. I wonder whether hotel proprietors, who have to put their premises back together after certain festivities, see that sort of behaviour as laddism or as vandalism. Are the working-class followers of soccer, in particular, being singled out for attention? Sometimes the offences are blown out of proportion by the media. I am not saying that such incidents do not, or should not, happen, but a knee-jerk reaction sometimes follows those incidents. An in-depth consultation is needed. The University of Leicester has produced a good paper, which attempts to identify the social problems of young males and problems in sports grounds in England. There is much useful information in that report. I thank the Minister for his statement, which is helpful and encouraging. There should now be a widespread and meaningful consultation, with no point scoring. If the problems can be solved, everyone can enjoy attending sporting events with their families — in my case, with my grandchildren. Sport provides a good public image, and I wish the Northern Ireland team success in tomorrow’s match in Iceland; I was most disappointed that the team lost its match against Latvia on Saturday. I want a continuation of a positive approach to sport. Mr B Wilson: As a long-standing and long-suffering supporter of Bangor Football Club and of Northern Ireland, I also wanted to mention the riots after the 1957 Northern Ireland versus Italy match, but Mr Robinson beat me to it. Riots are not particularly new. Mr K Robinson: Was the Member at the match? Mr B Wilson: Yes, I was. Mr K Robinson: Was the Member at both matches? Mr B Wilson: Yes, I was. I have been to thousands of matches over the past 50 years. Therefore, I can speak with some authority on football. I do not have the same level of experience of GAA and rugby, because I have attended only a few matches. However, the legislation that the motion proposes the introduction of should not be restricted to football. Although Members have referred to the Football (Offences) Act 1991, any new legislation should not be restricted to that one sport. The 1991 Act is a template on which that legislation should be based, but it should apply to other sports. The situation faced by Darren Graham has already been mentioned. However, there is also, as far as the news is concerned — Mrs D Kelly: Will the Member give way? Mr B Wilson: Yes. Mrs D Kelly: I thank the Member for giving way. I am pleased that those who delivered the winding-up speeches on the motion and the amendment have acknowledged that we all have a responsibility to tackle sectarianism in sport. I am sure that the proposers of the amendment and substantive motion did not intend to allow the DUP to engage in its favourite pastime of GAA bashing. It is a pity that Mr McCausland failed to reflect on the timing of the formation of the GAA. It was formed after centuries of ethnic cleansing of all things Irish, including our language and our culture. Mr B Wilson: I thank the Member for her intervention. I agree that there was a tendency to GAA-bash during the debate. There has been quite a number of attacks on referees at GAA matches, and so forth. However, the legislation could be useful to all sports. Therefore, the motion is not trying to tie any new legislation to football, other than its stating that the Football (Offences) Act 1991 could form the template for that legislation. I first became aware of football in 1948, when Jimmy Jones’s leg was broken during rioting at Windsor Park. My father was at that match, and he was in quite a state when he got home. Belfast Celtic withdrew from the league as a result of that incident. There has been sectarianism and violence at Irish League matches for the past 50 years. As a Bangor supporter, I remember once being surrounded by a group of fans. They were not Linfield supporters, but they started singing ‘The Sash’, and so forth, to try to provoke us good Protestants into attacking them, or something along those lines — I am not sure what their exact intention was. However, there was certainly a need for change then. Mr McNarry’s amendment is fine, and we can go along with it. Several points that he made may delay legislation, however. Mr McNarry said that our motion was specific to football — its intention was to include all sports in any legislation. The tendency for other Members to attack the GAA during today’s debate is counterproductive. Pat Ramsey said that there was sectarian chanting at sports grounds across Northern Ireland “week in and week out.” I have attended quite a few matches recently, and I think that Mr Ramsey was exaggerating. There is some sectarian chanting, but the situation has changed dramatically in recent years. Michelle McIlveen talked about the change in atmosphere at the IFA. That change has actually been happening since the 1980s. During the early 1980s, I used to take my two sons to Windsor Park to see all the international matches, and I was pretty disgusted with some of the fans’ behaviour. When the Irish Republic beat Northern Ireland 4–0, I had never felt so intimidated at a football match in my life, even though the fans causing the trouble were supporting the same team as me. I had to take the children home halfway through the match. Since then, the IFA has done wonderful work and brought about dramatic changes, for which it has not been give full credit. 11.45 am Mr McElduff and Mr Brolly said that local clubs should become involved in promoting anti-sectarianism. Ten years ago, I did not think that I would ever give credit to Linfield Football Club, but it has done a good job in trying to promote anti-sectarianism. In fact, the team now probably has more Catholic players than Protestant, which it would not have done 20 years ago. The club has links with the GAA, it has hosted camogie training sessions and it is also involved in the Dunfield initiative, which is a cross-border youth league bringing together football teams from Northern Ireland and the Republic. That initiative has been successful in changing the fans’ attitudes. Fans who attend internationals at Windsor Park now do not recognise it from 20 years ago, or even 10 years ago. Ms Lo: I wish to add my congratulations to a local club. I do not go to football matches very often but, last week, I went to Donegal Celtic Football Club in west Belfast. The club opened its grounds and turned them into a mini Chinatown to welcome the Chinese community. The team played a friendly game with a Chinese football team. I do not want to tell Members the score, but it was a huge humiliation: 5-0 to Donegal Celtic. Everyone enjoyed the game, and it was a wonderful night. I also pay tribute to Linfield Football Club, because it has also worked with the Chinese community. Donegal Celtic said that it hopes to play a Polish football team next. I hope that they also have a good night. Mr B Wilson: That illustrates the progress that those clubs are making in tackling sectarianism and racism. I also recall a Northern Ireland match against the Republic where black players from the Republic team received horrible racial abuse. The violence must also be tackled. FIFA is now getting much stronger on violence. In the past couple of years, two international teams have had matches cancelled because of violence in their stadiums. A football offences Act would benefit the IFA, and Howard Wells of the IFA has said that he would support it. We must get rid of sectarianism, racism and violence. Turning to the amendment, it is true that criminal penalties for football offences would have to be introduced in Westminster legislation. This is a cross-cutting issue, and the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure has the lead on anti-racism and anti-sectarianism in football. In England, while the Home Office leads on the criminal side of football offences legislation, the Department for Culture, Media and Sport leads on anti-racism and on building a culture of tolerance and inclusion in sport. I am glad that the Minister intends to meet his NIO counterpart later this month to discuss the possibility of introducing legislation. I find it hard to imagine that the NIO will rebuff a unanimous view from the Assembly and the Executive that action is required on such an important issue. There is no reason why the Minister and the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure cannot drive this issue forward and get the NIO moving. The general public are always asking what politicians do to earn their money. This is an issue where recent events have shown that action is necessary now, and passing the buck to the NIO will not endear us to them. Question, That the amendment be made, put and agreed to. Main Question, as amended, put and agreed to. Resolved: That this Assembly congratulates the Irish Football Association on its campaign against sectarianism, urges all sporting bodies in Northern Ireland to undertake similar initiatives against sectarianism; and calls on the Northern Ireland Office to commence consultation with a view to introducing legislation to address sectarianism, racism and violence associated with all sporting events. Mr Speaker: The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes for the winding-up speech. All other Members who wish to speak will have five minutes. One amendment has been selected and published on the Marshalled List. The proposer of the amendment will have 10 minutes to propose and five minutes for the winding-up speech. Mr Easton: I beg to move That this Assembly condemns all attacks on Orange Halls and calls on all political parties to use their influence to stop such sectarian attacks. In proposing the motion, I wish to make it clear that I am a proud member of the Orange Order in north Down. The Orange Order is a religious organisation that is dedicated to the promotion of civil and religious liberties for all. It is, of course, an exclusively Protestant organisation that honours the memory of all those who, through many centuries, cherished the pursuit of liberty, equality and freedom to worship, according to one’s conscience. The Orange Order bases all its teachings and actions on the teachings of holy scripture, which it accepts as the supreme authority on all matters relating to Christian life and teaching. It supports and seeks to uphold the constitution and monarchy of the United Kingdom, and is no more political or exclusive in nature than the Roman Catholic Church or the Ancient Order of Hibernians. Throughout Northern Ireland — and indeed in the Republic of Ireland — there are many Orange Halls, which perform an important social function. They are not only used for lodge meetings, but as an important resource for a multitude of community groups, clubs and organisations. It is reprehensible that those buildings — which support activity at the heart of Protestant, unionist and Ulster-Scots life — should be subject to constant and apparently organised sectarian attacks. Often, during those attacks, vandals and arsonists destroy priceless historical records, artefacts, lodge banners and memorabilia. Such attacks do not destroy the spirit of Orangeism — on the contrary, they make members more determined than ever to develop their distinctive culture and heritage. In a recent letter from the PSNI, I received statistics that showed that, in 2005-06, there were 62 recorded attacks on Orange Halls. In the past year, that number has escalated to more than 70. By contrast, in the past two years, there has been only one recorded attack on an Ancient Order of Hibernians building. Mr Irwin: In my constituency of Newry and Armagh, there have probably been more attacks on Orange Halls than anywhere else in Northern Ireland. In the run-up to the Twelfth of July period this year, there were three such attacks. Does the Member agree that many Orange Halls are used by community groups and religious organisations, and therefore the attacks on them are seen locally as attacks on the wider Protestant community? Mr Easton: I concur with my colleague on all those points. Attacks on Orange Halls and on churches have cost taxpayers £4 million in the last five years. It is also reprehensible that any organisation — orange or green, Protestant or Roman Catholic, unionist or nationalist — should be on the receiving end of wanton destruction and damage. However, to the unionist community, it seems that Orange Halls are being singled out as a target by members of the nationalist/republican community. It has not been an easy road for the unionist people over the last 40 years. They believe that they have been on the receiving end of a vicious, violent and sectarian assault on the physical and commercial infrastructure of the Province, the institutions of Government, and their lives. In those years, unionists have always found it difficult to imagine what perceived or real problems existed in Northern Ireland that could have justified such a prolonged and determined campaign of terror, which resulted in the loss of so many lives. It has been difficult too that, in the cause of peace, we have to sit in Government with Sinn Féin /IRA. We have reluctantly accepted that that is part of the price that we must pay to shape a peaceful and prosperous future for all our children. However, it is vital in this new dispensation that there is tolerance and respect for all our distinctive Orange, unionist and British culture. Today, we will hear much about equality, justice, respect and a shared future. We are often lectured by Members opposite on those very principles — almost to the point that one might think that nationalists and republicans subscribe to such principles. Parity of esteem is a two-way process. It is incumbent on all nationalist and republican politicians and community leaders to use their influence to stop elements of their community from directing sectarian aggression against the Loyal Orders. The displays of violence and hatred directed against Orange Halls in particular must be stopped. Perhaps someone from Sinn Féin can explain why a member of that party was caught on the roof of an Orange Hall in Newcastle in recent weeks. Did he think that he was Spiderman or Superman, or did he merely want to admire the Union Jack? What action will Sinn Féin take against that party member? Sinn Féin has failed to educate its people, and it has failed to stop those in its community carrying out attacks on Orange Halls. Furthermore, its MLAs have failed in their duty as public representatives to deliver on the matter. It is time for them to deliver. It is easy to talk the talk, but it is not so easy to walk the walk. Actions speak louder than words. Although I support the content of the Sinn Féin amendment, I feel that it was tabled to detract from the motion and the debate on attacks on Orange Halls. The amendment is a means to detract from the point that the DUP is trying to make. If the amended motion were tabled as a substantive motion, I would have no problem supporting it, but I notice that the amendment does not call on politicians to use their influence to stop sectarian attacks. Unionists have given much to further the cause of peace in our Province. There is a huge responsibility on the nationalist people — especially on the republican community and its leaders — to show that they can respect our rights as British citizens in Northern Ireland to pursue our culture, cherish our identity and celebrate our distinctive heritage in an atmosphere of tolerance and respect. Sectarian attacks from any side of the community on a community facility or hall are wrong. They must stop now, and republicans must stop them now. Mr O’Dowd: I beg to move the following amendment: Leave out “all attacks on Orange Halls” and insert after “condemns” “attacks on all homes, property and community facilities, including Orange Halls,”. Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. I do not agree with everything that Mr Easton has said, but I welcome the measured way in which he has approached the opening to the debate. It is, understandably, an emotive issue for Mr Easton as a member of the Orange Order, and I hope that the debate continues in that tone. Today, Members want to work out a way in which to ensure that sectarian attacks against Orange Halls stop. The Sinn Féin amendment was not tabled to dilute the DUP motion. I have no difficulty with the content of the motion. The amendment is to ensure that we encompass sectarianism in society and that Members, as political leaders, bring it all to an end. We do not want Members to engage in “whataboutery” during or after the debate, and ask about incidents that happened in their area. Today should see the start of a debate on the issue among Members, as political leaders, and among wider society on how to stop sectarianism. I agree with Mr Easton: there has been a sustained increase on attacks against Orange Halls, and those attacks must be condemned and stopped. Mr Easton mentioned a newspaper report that alleged that a member of my party was caught on the roof of an Orange Hall. If anyone produces substantive evidence that proves that that incident took place, the party will deal with the person involved. The DUP has its disciplinary procedures, and it has recently had to deal with several high-profile cases. Matters relating to those cases were before the judiciary, so the DUP could not proceed with any action until the court cases had concluded. Mr Easton, therefore, must look at the alleged incident in Newcastle with an open mind. Sinn Féin cannot deal with the matter until substantive evidence is brought forward, and the allegation proven. The PSNI may also conduct a criminal investigation into the incident, and that would mean that Sinn Féin could do nothing until the investigation’s completion. The DUP has had to do that in many instances. Mr T Clarke: Would the Member support any PSNI investigation into that matter? (Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr McClarty] in the Chair) Mr O’Dowd: I certainly would. I urge everyone who has information on anyone who is involved in criminal activity against Orange Hall property to give it to the PSNI. I have no difficulty in saying that. As I said previously, political leaders have a responsibility on such matters. Mr Easton spoke about tolerance and respect, and that is what we all must display. 12.00 noon We must understand each other better. Sinn Féin, the DUP and the Ulster Unionist Party must engage with each other to change the nationalist and republican community’s views of the Orange Order. I learnt more about the Orange Order, and what an Orange Hall is used for, from listening to a five-minute interview on ‘Talkback’ than I have from spending 20 years in politics. The interview was with a young woman who runs a youth centre and a child’s crèche in an Orange Hall in Kilmore, which is in my constituency. That hall was burnt down and was attacked again recently with paint. She spoke for those five minutes about what she used that Orange Hall for. I came to understand that it was more of a community facility that had been attacked than a place that housed the Orange Order. If, after 20 years of being involved in politics, I can learn that information in five minutes, what could we learn if we spoke to each other about such matters? I ask Members on the other side of the House not to entrench themselves in the politics of the past. They clearly remain suspicious of Sinn Féin’s motives and lack of leadership where attacks on Orange Halls are concerned. Although Sinn Féin has major difficulties with the Orange Order and its marches, such as that on the Garvaghy Road, which is also in my constituency, I tell the House sincerely that my party is serious about stopping attacks on Orange Halls. Mr Irwin, a DUP Member, intervened to say that such acts of aggression are seen as attacks on the Protestant community. The halls are used as crèches and youth clubs, and they are used to host dinners for pensioners. Orange Halls are used for all those activities that we in the wider political circles have not provided. Everyone in the House who represents a rural community knows that no council, or anyone else, provides community facilities in those areas — it is either the GAA or the Orange Order that provides them. I appeal to Members to understand that Sinn Féin is serious about stopping attacks on Orange Halls. Members can remain suspicious, but they should take the extra step of sitting at the table with us so that we can all discuss — and find a way to resolve — the issue. Sinn Féin’s amendment does not serve to undermine the motion; instead, it encompasses the problem of sectarianism. We do not have to get involved in “whataboutery”, but we must tackle sectarianism and the attacks on Orange Halls head on. Go raibh maith agat. Mr Kennedy: I welcome this important debate. At the outset, I am proud to confirm that I am a member of the Orange Order in County Armagh. It cannot have escaped the Assembly’s attention that the motion is being debated on 9/11, the anniversary of the appalling attacks in the United States of America that ushered in a new, and very terrible, age of world terrorism. That new age began at a time when we thought that our own Troubles were coming to an end. That is why the clear evidence of continuing sectarian bigotry that manifests itself in attacks on Orange Halls is so unacceptable. Attacks on Orange Halls represent an attempt by republicans to intimidate, bully and threaten the unionist and Protestant cultural tradition. Those attacks are entirely out of place in an age — and in a new dispensation — when all cultural traditions should be mutually respected and equally valued. It is a “Brits out” policy taken to one of its most extreme forms, and it is just not on. No tolerance should be shown to those who carry out such attacks. It does not take much common sense to see that they could cost the Province the prosperity to which it is entitled after so many hard years of conflict. We must not — and cannot — give the mindless cavemen and women who carry out those attacks any opportunities to jeopardise the relative peace that we now enjoy. Their actions have no place in any decent society. That is why there is no reason to protect the people who carry out those attacks. They are dangerous people who must be apprehended and convicted by being given long prison sentences. Communities must not shield them, and republican political leaders must demonstrate their credibility as peacemakers by making every effort to have those responsible handed over to the lawful authorities — the PSNI. That means that all the community influence that a political party wields, which, in some cases is considerable, must be used in stopping for good attacks on Orange Halls. None of us can be half in or half out of the process — an à la carte approach to law and order only when it suits, and when it does not upset any of our supporters. There is nothing more insidious and damaging to the whole political process here than a partial application of the principles of law and order. Make no mistake: the world is watching. Every attack on an Orange Hall and every sectarian incident is logged by overseas investors and reported in the world’s press in the most unlikely places. The eyes that are scrutinising those events are not casual observers — they are potential investors. We had better take notice and listen when they ask whether the Troubles have really stopped. We cannot afford to have a society frayed around the edges, with the residue of lawlessness hanging over it from its troubled past. Our potential to attract inward investment must not be harmed. The best way to effectively marginalise individuals or groups who indulge in attacks on Orange Halls is to inform the police — that is the way to deal with these activities. If the nationalist and republican communities were to do that, it would help to build a lasting peace and to convince the unionist-minded community that nationalists and republicans are sincere about a shared future. I heard what Mr O’Dowd the Member for Upper Bann said, but actions are needed at this stage, not words. No one who wants peace and order in a new shared-future society will want these attacks to continue. The many hundreds of attacks over the years, which bizarrely accelerated after the original IRA ceasefire, leading right up to the attacks this summer, do nothing to create a just or lasting peace. There are few things that really annoy the unionist people more than the deliberate act of malicious damage against their Orange Halls, which effectively serve as community halls, whether in Carnagh, Crosskeys or Mullintur — halls attacked this year in my constituency — or in Seagoe, outside Portadown, which is home to the most recently destroyed hall in County Armagh. I say to those in the House, particularly republicans: stop burning our Orange Halls and start building real peace. Mr O’Loan: The SDLP chose not to table an amendment because it felt that the proposers of the motion had a valid point to make and we did not want to dilute that in any way. However, since an amendment has been tabled, the SDLP will support it, because we recognise the range of attacks on various community premises. Like other Members, I have spent a fair bit of my political life standing at the scenes of attacks on private houses, schools, churches and sports grounds — including GAA grounds. They were often premises owned by Catholics or related to the Catholic community, but that was not always the case. I am aware of the full range of attacks on many community premises. However, I accept that a genuine and valid issue has been raised by the proposers of the motion in relation to attacks on Orange Halls, and the figures speak for themselves. Lavin Orange Hall, which is not far from Ballymoney, is in my constituency. It was burned out on 12 July 2006 and, until recently, it remained as a burned-out shell. I have driven past it many times. The more I drove past it, the more I thought that the burned-out shell of the hall was a very eloquent statement of how wrong it is to burn down such premises. It highlighted the fractured state of the community. Politicians have a job to do to put that right, and I will talk about that later. I am glad to see that site work recently started on Lavin Orange Hall; however, the period of time during which the ruin stood served as a statement of significant value. Members must not forget that message. In the nationalist community, we can see that there is more of a two-way problem with sectarianism than we might have conceded in the past. Largely, sectarianism was seen as something that Protestants did to Catholics. That overview was not without some validity. However, when Members consider recent events in their local communities, many incidents have given cause for concern. In many cases, those acts are committed by young people with antisocial motives, who often attach labels to themselves — almost as flags of convenience. There is no doubt that some of those incidents are deliberately sectarian and specifically anti-Protestant by nature, and are a cause of shame to those of us who come from the Catholic community. Significant as they are, there is a danger that people can read in too much of a conspiracy theory, or attach a republican label to those incidents. I am aware that antisocial elements in my area have attached republican and dissident republican names to themselves that have little basis in reality. However, there is a problem with sectarianism that all Members must face. I commend the recent work of the Orange Order, which is changing significantly, and Members must allow it space to continue to change. In this debate, Members utter a message to the community, but we must, furthermore, utter a message to ourselves. Members of the Assembly are important leaders of the community, and what we do here will send important signals to the rest of the community. Mr Lunn: Naturally, the Alliance Party supports the motion. In doing so, it expresses mild disappointment that it goes only as far as mentioning Orange Halls. However, Mr Easton is entitled to make that specific point, and the Alliance Party does not disagree. At the same time, it supports the amendment, because it — correctly — expands the demand for condemnation to all types of community facility, including homes and property. I note that the amendment does not call on all political parties to use their influence. The Alliance Party’s amendment did that, but it was not accepted. Mr O’Dowd: To clarify that point, I have checked with the Speaker’s Office, and the Sinn Féin amendment includes the last line: “all political parties to use their influence to stop such sectarian attacks.” Mr Lunn: I am glad that the Member clarified that point. That is good news. The amendment extends to all homes and property. It is not necessary to specify every type of property, but, by implication, churches are included. Attacks on Orange Halls are disgraceful, not only in the damage that is done, but in the outrage, hurt and tension that they cause. That is precisely what is in the minds of the perpetrators when they do such things. Physical damage can be restored. I acknowledge the point concerning banners and memorabilia, which are much more difficult to restore — some are lost for ever. However, the damage to the community is long-lasting. That applies whether the attack is on an Orange Hall, GAA hall, church, chapel or any other type of facility, including a home. A few days ago, in my area of Dunmurry, an attack, involving a pipe bomb, caused substantial damage to a small Housing Executive home. The fact that the house contained only female adults, one of whom is in the advanced stages of dementia, and a child who suffers from cerebral palsy, did not make any difference to the attackers. They probably regarded it as a bonus, because it increased both the publicity generated and community tension, which is what they wanted. 12.15 pm Since 2000, the Alliance Party has pushed for the NIO to introduce comprehensive hate crime legislation similar to that in England and Wales, and it was finally introduced through the Criminal Justice (No. 2) (Northern Ireland) Order 2004. I am sure that Members are familiar with it, but its main provisions are: first, where an offence involves hostility based on religion, race, sexual orientation or disability, on conviction, the court must take that into account when sentencing; and secondly, the court’s sentencing powers in relation to specified crimes of violence are increased. For example, the maximum sentence for putting someone in fear of violence increases from five years to seven years and the maximum sentence for criminal damage increases from 10 years to 14 years. Such legislation, I am told, has been widely used in England, Wales and Scotland and is highly relevant to the type of attacks that we are talking about. Members may correct me if I am wrong, but I cannot remember a case in which that legislation has been specifically invoked. Has anyone who has been charged with criminal damage also been prosecuted for it as an aggravated offence under the hate crimes legislation? The Assembly should be looking at that as a matter of urgency. If we cannot stop the attacks, much as I wish that we could, at least we might be able to properly punish the perpetrators when they are caught. The Alliance Party condemns all attacks, whether they are against Orange Halls, Hibernian halls, GAA clubs, churches or homes. I am sure that all Members will agree. However, I hope that the proposers of the motion might now be inclined to accept the amendment. It does not dilute the motion in any way; it simply, and correctly, adds another layer to it. The Alliance Party supports the motion and the amendment. Lord Morrow: By bringing this motion before the House, the proposers have attempted to focus directly on Orange Halls. We are not saying or implying that there have been no attacks on private homes or other properties. We have sought the opportunity to bring a specific issue before the House. Unfortunately, Sinn Féin has tried to thwart that — not for the first time, I suspect; nor the last. I have a list in my hand, which reads as a litany of attacks on Orange Halls. It details 276 attacks on Orange Halls across Northern Ireland, and it dates back to that infamous day in 1975 when five members of the Orange Order were murdered in their Orange Hall in Tullyvallen. I have another list of 32 attacks of a different nature, but, ultimately, they are all attacks on Orange Halls, which can be read as attacks on the Protestant community. I suspect that if such attacks were happening on the opposite side, there would be a cry to high heaven. However, Orange Halls are just not that important. I listened to Mr O’Dowd. He went to the trouble of tabling an amendment; he sought to colour the whole debate by saying that attacks are not only carried out on Orange Halls. That is correct; other properties are being attacked and destroyed also. However, we are specifically dealing with Orange Halls, the list of attacks on which is endless. That does not happen by accident. Headlines such as “Shinner falls off Orange hall roof”, in the ‘News Letter’ of 31 August, hardly instil confidence in the unionist and Protestant communities and in those who hold to Orange culture. I fully accept that there is a due process that has to be gone through. However, actions will always speak louder than words, and Sinn Féin has not come up to the mark on this issue, but has deliberately dragged its feet. It strikes me, as it strikes others who come from the same culture and background as I do, that Sinn Féin sees this matter as not being that important. Yes, Sinn Féin will condemn attacks — but it must do more. It must show, in an emphatic way, that it is against such behaviour, and it must totally support the police in bringing to court and to justice those who indulge in such attacks. Mr O’Loan said that the SDLP had not tabled an amendment. I took heart from that, but he discouraged me immediately with his next phrase, in which he said that the SDLP was going to support the Sinn Féin amendment. I thought that, for once, the SDLP was going to show a bit of courage, distance itself from Sinn Féin for a turn, and stand out as different. Mr O’Loan went on to cite an Orange Hall that stands as an epitaph to hatred. It has been burned out, and the remaining shell is a striking testimony to what is going on in our society. What a pity that he did not say that, for that very reason, the SDLP would support the motion. The motion deals directly with attacks on Orange Halls. Here is an opportunity for all those who feel that they cannot come out and say that this must stop. Of course it must stop, along with all attacks on church halls and other such buildings. I do not care what side of the community those attacks come from; I have never been lacking in my condemnation of attacks on church halls, GAA halls, or any other community halls. I have stood up and sought to give leadership. I say to the nationalist representatives in the House that this is their chance: their golden opportunity to give real leadership and acknowledge that it is Orange Halls that we are dealing with, and the attacks must stop. Ms Anderson: Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Ba mhaith liom tacaíocht a thabhairt don leasú. I support the amendment. Sinn Féin condemns all sectarian attacks utterly and without reservation. I want to make it clear that attacks on Orange Halls are wrong. Attacks on Protestant and Catholic homes are wrong, and attacks on places of worship are wrong. There is no equivocation; all sectarian attacks are wrong. I want to make that clear so that there is no confusion in the Assembly today. Anyone who has information about sectarian attacks should go to the PSNI. Whether sectarian attacks are made directly against young people, old people, their homes, or families who wish to live in peace with their neighbours or pray in their respective churches, they are equally wrong, and destructive of all that we are trying to build through the institutions of power sharing. Sinn Féin condemns sectarianism as the cancer that lies at the very root of the injustice and impoverishment of our communities, which our Executive are, above all, dedicated to changing. However, condemnation is easy and cheap. Sinn Féin has long declared that political parties must give leadership in their communities. When members of political parties attempt to approach all issues along sectarian lines, they are creating the conditions that fuel sectarianism in our community. Some people, including Members of the Assembly, have contributed to keeping the two communities apart. The Orange Order also has a responsibility. Commitment to the power-sharing Executive means that we make an honest and open effort to transcend the differences that have divided us in the past and promote the interests of all people equally. We must not allow any attempt to bury sectarianism, when it stares us in the face, and pretend that it no longer exists. It is important that we face reality — Mr Deputy Speaker: Order. Members, please return to your seats. Ms Anderson: It is important that we face reality and do not attempt to bury racist or sectarian crimes under a catch-all category of hate or knife crimes. We will not advance the important battle against sectarianism through denial. We are all aware of a litany of sectarian crimes: the murders of the Quinn children and of Michael McIlveen, and the attempted murder of young Paul McCauley from Derry, who is fighting for his life as we sit here in the Chamber. Whether it is areas such as the Fountain in Derry that are the focus or origin of sectarian attacks, there is one question that we must all answer: how can we bring sectarian crime to an end? Members have stated that they wish to see action. Sinn Féin has drawn up a charter for unionist engagement. We believe that that could allow us all to move to a humane common ground and give political leadership in the communities towards delivery for all our people. On the ground, in Derry and elsewhere, there has been dialogue among communities, politicians and Church leaders. Today, I want to extend an invitation to the Orange Order — there are many prominent members of that institution on the Benches opposite — to engage in direct dialogue with Sinn Féin. It is the duty of the Executive and the Assembly to promote tolerance, inclusivity and equality, to eradicate sectarianism, racism and other forms of discrimination, and to promote a pluralist society in which difference is celebrated and cultural diversity is encouraged. Sinn Féin believes that that is the best way in which to achieve common ground. Mr Deputy Speaker: Order. The Member’s time is up. Ms Anderson: I support the amendment. Go raibh maith agat. Mr Deputy Speaker: Members will know that the Business Committee has arranged to meet as soon as the Assembly suspends for lunch. I propose, therefore, by leave of the Assembly, to suspend the sitting until 2.00 pm. The sitting was suspended at 12.28 pm. On resuming (Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr McClarty] in the Chair) — 2.00 pm Mr Newton: I was greatly surprised to hear some of Mr O’Dowd’s comments this morning. He said that he had learnt more about the Orange Order from a five-minute radio interview than he had at any other time in his life. He must think that Members on this side of the House are naive. That statement makes me wonder what sources he uses for his speeches. The motion reflects an important issue for the Protestant community. The Orange Order represents that community’s cultural identity and embodies Christian principles such as charity and tolerance. Sinn Féin puts about a myth that the Orange Order comprises bowler-hatted bigots who just want to march down the road. However, over generations, the Orange Order has played a significant role in society, and its members have made important contributions. Such members include: Dr Thomas Barnardo; William Massey, a former Prime Minister of New Zealand; Harry Ferguson, the inventor of the tractor; and Earl Alexander of Tunis, a First World War general. Those people represent the calibre of person who underpins the character and ethos of the Orange Order and maintains its principles. It is sad that many Orange Halls have been attacked. That is not a recent phenomenon; the trend started in, and has accelerated since, the 1960s. It had one objective: the cultural annihilation of the Protestant community. Republicans thought that such aggression against the Orange Order’s facilities and halls was the best way to attack Protestantism and Orange culture. However, that is only because republicans have perceived the Orange Order as being a major part of the British presence in Ulster. There have been numerous attacks on Orange Halls across Northern Ireland —260 since 1989. Approximately 14 halls are burnt every year, which equates to more than one a month. The Orange Order estimates that 311 of its members who are current or former members of the security forces have been targeted and cruelly murdered because they were Protestants and members of the Orange Institution. In my own constituency, such attacks have been occurring since the 1960s. In two instances, attacks were mounted from the grounds of St Matthew’s chapel. However, I am not in any way blaming the priests who were in charge of the chapel on either of those occasions. A council colleague of mine, May Campbell, was shot and wounded in one of those attacks. Those assaults were part of a process of ethnic cleansing that culminated in severe attacks on the small Protestant enclave of Cluan Place on the Albertbridge Road. Such attacks, and those against Orange Halls, are all part of the same orchestrated campaign of aggression. As sickening and bigoted as the attacks on Orange Order property and the murder of its members are, it is more appalling that a party whose Members sit on the other side of the Chamber glorifies those deeds by naming, and turning into heroes, those who have murdered and attacked the Protestant community. Indeed, we witnessed that a few weeks ago in Belfast city centre. If trust is to be built, the Orange Order must receive a sincere and unequivocal apology not only for the murders of its members but for the attacks on its property. That type of bigotry must cease. Mr Elliott: I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate and, at the outset, I declare an interest. I am a member of the Orange Institution and proud to be so. Over the past months, attacks on Orange Halls and on the orange community in general have escalated. Today we focus on Orange Halls, and I am pleased to speak about that. However, the Orange family has suffered greatly as well; over the Twelfth we witnessed flags, bunting and arches being damaged and ripped from their poles. It was interesting to hear Ms Anderson say that people in this Chamber have contributed to keeping people apart. I agree with her on that; for a generation or more people have bombed, murdered, burned and intimidated the Protestant community and the Orange family in Northern Ireland. Yes, I agree with Ms Anderson, and if some people in the Chamber look at themselves they will perhaps recognise who has contributed to that past and that division in our community. Orange Halls and, on many occasions, church halls are used by a huge list of organisations, such as Cubs, Scouts, Brownies and Guides, as well as the Women’s Institute and credit unions. However, that has not stopped many in our community from attempting the ethnic cleansing of Protestant communities throughout Northern Ireland. I have referred to that on many occasions. It is relevant in my constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone, and more so in Armagh, parts of Belfast and the greater Belfast area, where people just “do not want a Prod about the place”. Sometimes it is as simple as that. I am heartened by Mr O’Loan’s comments and by his recognition of the Orange culture and tradition in this Province. The upkeep and maintenance of Orange Halls is often difficult enough, and represents a significant financial investment from local people. Volunteers give of their free time to ensure that the premises are maintained to a very high standard and can be used by other organisations which, on many occasions, have nothing at all to do with the Orange Order. Mr O’Dowd said that he had learned about the Orange Order and the use of Orange Halls from a five-minute interview on the radio. I wonder how much effort and emphasis Mr O’Dowd put in to finding out anything about the Orange Institution and the use of Orange Halls before he heard that broadcast. Over the last few years, as a representative of the Orange Institution, I have engaged in several discussions and debates on community relations and cultural diversity. Many of the people involved were from what I call “the opposite tradition”, from such organisations as the GAA. In the run-up to this year’s Twelfth of July celebrations, I, with other community representatives, worked extremely hard to ensure that the various marches in my constituency could take place as a spectacle for everyone to enjoy, irrespective of religious persuasion. I am pleased that, in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, the Twelfth celebration was enjoyed by everyone who attended. No-one should be under any illusion; these matters require further work from all parts of the political spectrum. My experience is that the Orange Order has become increasingly accommodating and willing to work with, and in, communities. That must be seen and respected by Government. On many occasions, positive plans and proposals by the Orange Institution for the benefit of the future leadership, responsibilities and community role of the Orange Order have met with a mixed response. On a few occasions, people working for the Orange Order received a positive approach. However, on many occasions, they have not even had a reply to their request. Many of those requests and proposals would benefit the entire community, not just the Orange Order. Mrs M Bradley: I am saddened to think that we even have to discuss such a subject, given that we are supposed to be living in a new political era that should give rise to only peacefulness, prosperity and genuine cross-community collaboration. In this new political era, we, as politicians, must remember that we are measured not only by our actions but by our words. An attack on any community building — in this case, on Orange Halls — is an attack on the entire community. Orange Halls can be, and are currently being, used for cross-community purposes such as playschools where, in some areas, children from both sides of the community come together to learn and to play. Perhaps we should all go back to that age, where creed, colour and denomination play no part in deciding whether we participate with one another. I feel that it is best to leave this issue with an example from Cavan in the South of Ireland. When an Orange Hall was vandalised and put beyond use, Catholics and Protestants collaborated to rebuild the hall. The Government saw fit to encourage those actions and gave grant aid of €30,000 to complete the project, as should happen in any civilised society. The Orange Hall was rebuilt and re-established. Therefore, let us today encourage cross-community condemnation of attacks on any community building, and let us not dwell on the past. I hope that we have all learnt something about progressing the issue and that, most importantly, we learn to respect all buildings, irrespective of who owns or uses them. I support the amendment. Mr Shannon: I wish to declare an interest as a member of Kircubbin LOL 1900. The Orange Order stands for religious and civil liberty: religious liberty for everyone, Protestant or Catholic; and civil liberty for everyone, irrespective of political affiliation, where they attend on Sundays or where they work. There is no doubt that the figures for attacks on Orange Halls draw a vivid, colourful and disturbing picture. Since 1989, there have been 260 reported attacks — over 14 every year. The number of attacks in 2007 is higher than in the past seven years. We are supposed to be moving forward, but some people are trying to take us backwards. The severity of the attacks has varied, ranging from tearing down flags to vandalising halls. Sectarianism in any shape or form cannot be an acceptable part of the business of this country, and the Assembly must support the intent of the motion. I am sure that I am not the only Member who has heard the story about the Shinner falling off the roof. As absurd as the situation was, it is understandable that some people might think that it is the first line of a joke. In reality, it is not a joke; it is a very serious matter. Tearing down a flag from an Orange Hall is an act of vandalism and disrespect. It is no laughing matter to the member of the lodge who paid for the flag or handed it down from his father’s time. It is not a joke that part of that hall’s history was torn down in a moment by an act of contempt. To the women who sewed the flag to show pride in their culture and heritage, it is nothing less than an insult — a slap in the face. That kind of action is not an isolated matter; the Orange Order and Orange Halls face the same problem, month after month. Those events are not unconnected. Recently, there was an attack on Seagoe Orange Hall in Portadown. The hall had just been refurbished at a cost of £15,000. That is not the only instance of a refurbished hall being burnt down in order to make a statement. Such behaviour might have been expected in the 1970s, but it has no place in Northern Ireland today. The hall is used not only by the Orange Lodge but by local people for community programmes and events. 2.15 pm How many times have we watched members of the public on television, sifting through the rubble of a hall to see what part of their history could be recovered? The answer is a very sober one: far too many. For too long the Orange Order and the halls have been used by many as scapegoats for their anger, fear and malice. For too long the Orange Order and the halls have had to accept their lot of damage and wanton destruction to their property — and even worse has been done to history. I read the words of Fr Martin McAlinden, the parish priest of Moyraverty near to Seagoe Orange Hall, and I fully agree with what he said: “The destruction of a building that represents the culture of a particular group in this area is shameful and an attack on the Orange Order and the community of Seagoe.” I suggest to Members who have spoken and made a commitment that they tell the police what they know and encourage their supporters to tell the police what they know. Give us the proof of the pudding by eating it. Show us what you can do. The hall at Seagoe was not a place of hate; it was a place of history. It was not a place of war; it was a place of life, and those who destroyed it destroyed a little part of their community. Such behaviour is nothing less than shameful and disgusting, and the Assembly must unite and proclaim it as such. As well as that, those who are affiliated with the Assembly should treat it with the respect and reverence that all members of the community believe should be given. All parties must stand by their words and ensure that those who are caught in any form of attack, whether it be chanting sectarian slogans, breaking windows, tearing down flags or engaging in more sinister behaviour, are reported to the police. Terrorism in any guise will not be tolerated, and it is the responsibility of the Assembly to take steps to end that form of terrorism by more than mere words. There must be no more cowardly attacks on culture and heritage by intolerant and bigoted people determined to destroy something merely because they cannot stand, or accept, a right to the celebration of the history of this nation. I support the motion. Mr Moutray: At the outset, I declare that I am a proud member of Corcreeny LOL 91 in the district of Lurgan. Sadly, attacks on Orange Halls in Northern Ireland are nothing new. As figures show, the systematic targeting of halls has been to the fore of the republican campaign for many years. In the early 1990s when IRA activity was rampant throughout our land, the average number of attacks on Orange Halls each year was 15. Yet, strangely enough, after the 1994 ceasefire the number of attacks rose to an average of 40 each year, a figure that is being exceeded at present. Brownlow House Orange Hall, in my Upper Bann constituency, the world headquarters of the Royal Black Institution, has come under sustained attack and has been severely damaged on numerous occasions. I want to pay tribute to the brethren for restoring this glorious building, part of which dates back to the seventeenth century. Last weekend Brownlow House played host to hundreds of visitors of all faiths as part of the Environment and Heritage Service’s open day programme. Eight Orange Halls have already been attacked in County Armagh this year. I think particularly today of Seagoe Orange Hall, which my colleague referred to. It was seriously damaged only a few weeks ago. I think too of Kilmore Orange Hall in the countryside near Lurgan that was gutted by fire last year. It has been there for over 200 years, and I am delighted that it was reopened on Saturday last after an intense programme of work by the brethren and in spite of a recent paint bomb attack. Kilmore Orange Hall is used almost daily and is the hub of an isolated rural community. It is used by both sections of the community. The brethren there seek to offend no one. They want to live peacefully and enjoy their culture. Like many lodges throughout the Province, Kilmore has raised thousands of pounds for charity. Recently, we have heard of Sinn Féin councillors turning up at Orange halls in the aftermath of attacks to sympathise with Orangemen while, on the other hand, Sinn Féin members have been reportedly falling off the roofs of Orange Halls in other constituencies in the early hours of the morning. Members of the Orange Order do not need the sympathy of Sinn Féin politicians. We need them to take action, and after incidents such as the one at Newcastle Orange Hall the following question needs to be asked: “What sanctions will the Sinn Féin leadership take against the people involved?” Sinn Féin’s work on the ground created the likes of Breandán Mac Cionnaith, who now single-handedly holds up progress on a resolution to the Drumcree parade dispute. The policies, actions and example of Sinn Féin made attacks on Orange Halls acceptable to some people. That is why words are not enough on this occasion. Can Sinn Féin truly live in peace with its neighbours? Only time will tell. Sinn Féin’s response to issues such as this will go a long way towards answering that question. It is entirely up to Sinn Féin to act now. Despite the legacy of attacks that have been inflicted on it, the Orange culture is alive, strong, vibrant and here to stay. Mr McNarry: I too declare an interest as a loyal and proud member of the Orange Institution. Only a few hours ago, the House came together to reject sectarianism and racism in sport. However, here we are, with some Members unable to reject outright the sectarianism that is under debate and which lies behind attacks on Orange Halls. Those Members are unable to stand together, as we did a few hours ago, behind the single-issue motion before the House. Going by the comments of some Members, they are, patently and regrettably, unwilling, so far, to combine to use their influence to put an end to those attacks. I hope that those Members will think again. I, here and now, on this single issue, offer a choice to those who support the amendment. Show to my community — the Protestant, unionist and Orange community — a preparedness to demonstrate in this, the House of the people, that they will work with all parties and bring their influence to bear. The choice is theirs to take today; I make no demands of them. I ask them to be reasonable, because they ask me to swallow that which they have brought to this House: a new era of reasonableness. I honestly say that I find a lot of that hard to swallow, just yet. However, if the beginning that I see here — and some of it is unbelievable to many from my tradition — of a Democratic Unionist First Minister and a Sinn Féin Deputy First Minister working together is to be the way forward until the next time that the electorate meets to make its mark, I ask Members opposite to take a step forward by setting aside what I can understand they find great difficulty in letting go. Will they stand together with us and condemn attacks on Orange Halls? We all reject attacks on homes, schools, churches — attacks on society. However, from the perspective of our tradition, attacks on Orange Halls are an attack on the Orange family. Only by being a member of that family can I ask Members to appreciate what it means to me. Attacks on Orange Halls are attacks on communities that come together in that greater family. I have heard things said in this House that I find unbelievable. I hear a big play for corporate decisions: that is what this Assembly must bring to Northern Ireland politics. I heard junior Minister Paisley applauded by Members opposite for saying not once but twice in the House that he is representing a caring Executive. I want the House to tell everyone that, collectively, we care about attacks on Orange Halls. This morning, there was a call for leadership. On this matter, it is over to those in republican and nationalist seats to show us in the unionist seats some real leadership. I say: do it, and be prepared for a response from the family that I and many here are proud to represent. At this moment, the amendment smacks of begrudgery, and I sincerely ask Members opposite to withdraw it. Make today’s decision a collective one. Members can return to what they need to say about attacks on other properties, and we will join with them. This is a specific issue, and I ask Members — humbly — to stand with us and send a signal that we can take to our people and that they can take to theirs. The Junior Minister (Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister) (Mr G Kelly): Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I appreciate the opportunity to respond to the motion on behalf of the Executive. I unreservedly condemn attacks on Orange Halls. I was taken by the words of the Member who spoke previously. There is a unified voice from the Executive on this issue. We are totally committed to moving society forward and to making a real difference to the lives of all our people. I am sure that all parties in the House share the vision for a future based on tolerance, equality, mutual respect and respect for the rule of law. Many Members have spoken precisely on those subjects. There is no place for the type of behaviour that we have been discussing today if we are to build a society in which there is respect for all cultures and traditions. That applies equally to racist attacks on the houses of members of ethnic minority communities; attacks on the places of worship of those with different faiths; and on any venue with cultural purposes. A few weeks ago, the Assembly debated a motion on the shared future framework document. During that debate, our vision of that shared future was spelled out by the Fi |