northern ireland assembly

Tuesday 3 July 2007

Private Members’ Business
Racial Equality Strategy
Respite Provision
Victims
Rural Dwellings

Adjournment Debate
Lignite Mining in North Antrim

The Assembly met at 10.30 am (Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr McClarty] in the Chair).

Members observed two minutes’ silence.

Private Members’ Business

Racial Equality Strategy

Mr Deputy Speaker: The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for this debate. The proposer of the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes for the winding-up speech. All other Members who wish to speak will have five minutes.

One amendment has been selected and published on the Marshalled List. The proposer of the amendment will have 10 minutes to propose and five minutes for the winding-up speech.

Ms Lo: I beg to move

That this Assembly urges the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister to ensure that the second Implementation Action Plan of the Racial Equality Strategy fully and rigorously addresses issues of racial equality for minority ethnic communities in Northern Ireland.

Racism is not a new phenomenon in Northern Ireland. A couple of years after I arrived here in the 1970s, I was kicked in Belfast city centre, in broad daylight, while walking to catch a bus home. When legislation was extended to Northern Ireland through the introduction of The Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order 1997, a comprehensive survey of the three main minority communities here found that one in 10 minority ethnic residents had experienced physical racial violence. One in two Chinese people had had their properties damaged, and two thirds of them had experienced verbal abuse. A social attitudes survey in 2001 indicated that racial prejudice is twice as significant as sectarian prejudice in Northern Irish people.

Racism is on the increase in Northern Ireland, and police recorded more than 1,000 racially motivated crimes last year. Under the New TSN promoting social inclusion (PSI) initiative, the idea of a racial equality strategy was first mooted in 2000. After several years of deliberation, the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) published ‘A Racial Equality Strategy for Northern Ireland 2005-2010’ in July 2005, which was to be a sister document of ‘A Shared Future: Policy and Strategic Framework for Good Relations in Northern Ireland’. The five-year strategy sets out a vision of:

“A society in which racial diversity is supported, understood, valued and respected, where racism in any of its forms is not tolerated and where we live together as a society and enjoy equality of opportunity and equal protection.”

The strategy has six aims: the elimination of racial inequality; equal protection; equality of service provision; increased participation; promotion of dialogue; and building capacity in minority ethnic communities. The racial equality strategy is the first Government policy to acknowledge the changing cultural diversity in Northern Ireland and the need to tackle racism. It fosters an attitude of zero tolerance of racism in all its forms.

However, given the dramatic increase in inward migration over the past few years, the delay in publishing the strategy has caused concern that it is already out of date. There was also disappointment that the strategy commits only Departments, and not all strategy bodies and the wider community, including the business sector, to maximising the strategy’s effect in promoting racial equality. Implementation of the strategy’s aims therefore relies heavily on Departments producing annual action plans. The first annual action plan was published in April 2006, but we still await the publication of this year’s plan.

There is no doubt that the strategy offers the potential to make Northern Ireland a better place for minority ethnic communities. However, last year’s action plan, as a first attempt, was criticised by many as a mere mapping exercise by Departments to list their existing initiatives, many of which were commitments that amounted to meeting the minimum requirements under section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998. Many of the 200 actions in the plan were process-orientated rather than outcome-focused and with measurable targets, so there was concern that, even cumulatively, the actions proposed last year would not effect change.

In a piece of academic research that I conducted, several Departments agreed that the process of formulating the plans was mechanical for them. Although they say that racial equality is important, many Departments still have a limited understanding of the depth of change that is required. However, many Departments stated that, from now on, they must do more and must engage with minority ethnic communities to identify needs. It is therefore important that the next action plan contain a radically reduced number of actions, and that those actions must focus on improving service provision and dialogue with communities. Those actions must be matched with appropriate funding for building capacity in minority ethnic groups.

The Racial Equality Forum, which was established to develop and monitor the strategy, has been welcomed and supported by minority ethnic communities. However, it has grown to include all Departments, minority ethnic communities, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (NIHRC) and the Equality Commission for Northern Ireland (ECNI), the voluntary sector, Churches and the trade unions. Although that wider involvement is appreciated, the forum has become too big to allow members to engage meaningfully or to exercise fully their role in monitoring implementation.

Moreover, information that the forum secretariat has provided in the past has been insufficient to enable members to scrutinise progress adequately. I appreciate that the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister is reviewing the forum, and I urge it to consider those concerns.

Northern Ireland is a divided society that for decades has been dominated by the conflict between, and the politics of, two major traditions. Anyone who is non-white, non-Christian or non-English-speaking can feel excluded from public participation or public-service provision. The long-awaited racial equality strategy sets out a vision for racial equality that should benefit all who live in Northern Ireland. As Lord Rooker stated, there must be an improvement in the quality of life of minority ethnic people. The realisation of the vision demands a change of hearts and minds, and the strategy is a tool that must be sharpened if it is to be effective.

Mr McHugh: I beg to move the following amendment: Leave out all after “to” and insert

“review, as a matter of urgency, progress on implementation of the Racial Equality Strategy for Northern Ireland 2005-2010 and the First Annual Implementation Plan; and to bring forward proposals for its own detailed plans for the period 2008-2011 to achieve racial equality and an inclusive society for our increasingly diverse community.”

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I welcome the opportunity to participate in this important debate. The amendment addresses more effectively than the motion the issues that are involved. The First Minister and the Deputy First Minister have clearly signalled their commitment, and that of the Executive, to achieving racial equality and an inclusive society for our increasingly diverse people. Indeed, that is not an issue. The motion is poorly phrased and refers to:

“issues of racial equality for minority ethnic communities”.

However, we seek racial equality for everyone. Racial equality is not divisible, and we do not want to send the message that we are giving preferential treatment to, or are positively discriminating in favour of, ethnic minority communities. We simply want to ensure that they get what they are entitled to. It is not about integrating the immigrant but about creating an integrated society that encourages inclusion and participation. Everyone must be given a real chance to participate in all aspects of our society and to avail themselves of all services, including education and health provision. Integrated education is a service that presents a tremendous opportunity to assist in creating an integrated society. Children can be educated together, and, through such education, some of the nastiness that is created by ignorance of each other and of people who have moved — recently or earlier — into our society can be avoided.

The racial equality strategy and the first annual implementation action plan are legacies of direct rule. The strategy provides a firm basis on which to tackle racism and racial inequalities. It was developed in partnership with minority ethnic representatives.

10.45 am

It is right and proper that the Committee for the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister and the Assembly engage fully in mapping out the implementation of the strategy and in developing action plans. Those might take longer to complete, but it will be important to get it right rather than get it done quickly.

As the previous Member who spoke said, minority ethnic groups and their representatives have criticised the first implementation action plan as being only what Departments were going to do in any case. For example, lots of translated leaflets were published. That is good, but it only scratches the surface. Departments need to plan properly to deal with racial equality and not just reach for what they have in stock. Racial equality must be factored into departmental planning; proper financial provision should be made; and needs should be aligned with the business-planning cycle.

Migrant workers are often exploited, and although legislation is in place to stop such exploitation — including housing legislation and section 75, which councils and Departments are responsible for enforcing — it is often not implemented. In general, it suits society to turn a blind eye, and that is especially the case among those who are making vast sums of money at the expense of ethnic minorities.

In my constituency, I have seen cases in which employers insist that migrant workers rent property from them at extortionate rates. Those rents are then taken directly from the workers’ wages. Such workers are moved to properties across the border when complaints are made. That example highlights the need for co-operation and an all-Ireland strategy to stamp out such racial abuse.

Recently, I spoke out against racially motivated attacks against Asian families in south Belfast, Enniskillen and in other areas of the North. We want to stop that type of attack, and I encourage the PSNI to take all racially motivated attacks seriously and do everything that is necessary to bring the perpetrators before the courts.

Ireland’s history shows that often its biggest export was people who looked for work and a better way of life elsewhere. Today’s immigrants are no different. They come to this island looking for a better way of life, and many of them are entrepreneurial in spirit and in work ethic. They bring a lot of good ideas with them, which we should support. Such people have made an effort, perhaps in their own countries where there was no work, to do something about their situation. We should welcome them. They will be very useful to an economy — North and South — that is growing very quickly when compared to those in other countries.

Migrant workers have a great deal to offer our society. They fill the skills gaps, especially in the construction industry, and they can teach us new ways of looking at life. We should do everything possible to welcome them, and it is the Assembly’s responsibility to implement strategies to achieve that. As my party’s spokesperson on ethnic minorities, I welcome the motion, and I urge everyone to support my amendment. Go raibh maith agat.

The Chairperson of the Committee for the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister (Mr Kennedy): I join with others in warmly welcoming the motion, and I congratulate and thank those who tabled it. It is important to debate equality. Unfortunately, I may not be able to be present for the entire debate due to the meeting of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee, and I apologise for that.

The Committee for the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister has received a general briefing on the work that is being undertaken by OFMDFM’s equality directorate, including its work on racial equality. The Committee has indicated its desire to be updated on progress so that the second imple­mentation action plan can be developed properly early in the next session.

The aim of the racial equality strategy attracts wide­spread support. However, the key issue will be to ensure that there is effective action to provide racial equality by Government, wider society and the communities in which minority ethnic groups live and work.

I make the following remarks on behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party. As tensions between the two main communities in Northern Ireland have eased, new forms of prejudice are becoming apparent, and they are racially and ethnically based. Our society is in transition, and we are modernising, but perhaps more slowly than expected due to the conflict we have endured. It would be useful, and convenient, to underpin our rejection of racial prejudice and discrimination with a legal frame­work, but that must not be the whole story. A process of information and education is also needed, and that will take time. However, it should be embarked upon urgently.

Economic reasons, or perceived economic reasons, can cause racial and ethnic prejudice. This is particularly the case in areas of multiple deprivation where there may be a history of educational underachievement or where unemployment is high and job skills are low. Such areas probably exist in all countries — they certainly exist in England, Scotland, Wales, the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. The problem is not unique. Nevertheless the situation is unacceptable and must be dealt with urgently.

It is clear, therefore, that there is a correlation to be made between economic deprivation, racial tension and attacks, and we all rightly condemn such attacks.

There have been indications that members of the British National Party (BNP) will try to actively recruit in Northern Ireland over the Twelfth celebrations this year. I condemn such efforts, and I welcome indications from the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland resolutely condemning and opposing such a move. On behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party, I say to the BNP that we do not want, or need, imported hate mongering in Northern Ireland.

Low educational achievement, coupled with the fear of negative economic impacts due to new nationals gaining jobs at the expense of locals, and a general lack of knowledge about ethnic minorities can feed the fears that stoke racial prejudices leading to attacks. The task confronting the Assembly is as much about putting those wrongs to right as it is about legislating against race hate itself. I, and my party, support the motion.

Mr Moutray: I welcome the motion and I thank the Member for South Belfast Ms Anna Lo for tabling it. I also welcome the opportunity to bring to light the integral role that ethnic minorities play in Northern Ireland: our society has become richer as a result of the cultural diversity and expertise that they contribute.

The ethnic minority workforce has also made a difference to local industries, such as food-processing, and to the nursing profession. Those who bring their talents to this country are very welcome, especially as they are contributing so much to our local economy. In this day and age, it is disgraceful that there is still such small-mindedness and ignorance leading to attacks and intimidation of those who come here to work, live and belong as part of Northern Irish culture.

Although it is a minority of people who are responsible for such attacks, attacks of any form cannot be tolerated by society. I echo the call to urge OFMDFM to continue its work of ensuring that the racial equality strategy is implemented to the benefit of all members of our community. We should be proclaiming the message that Northern Ireland is open for business and that it welcomes visitors as well as those who are interested in living here and contributing to the economy. We cannot afford any sort of racially motivated attacks, and no one should have to put up with such atrocities.

It is worrying to read that ‘The Guardian’ has termed Northern Ireland the “race-hate capital of Europe”. We must take strong action against antisocial behaviour and see to it that racism will end, not only on our streets, but, most importantly, in the mindsets of our people. I call upon local community workers and representatives to tackle the issue head on, and the courts must be seen to deliver tough sentences to perpetrators.

We have seen how effective awareness of racism has been at other levels, especially in football where the “Show Racism the Red Card” initiative has been introduced and has had positive results. Further implementation should involve effective marketing in areas most affected with the publication of helpline numbers and names of local representatives who can be contacted in the event of racial abuse incidents. The scourge of racism must be stamped out quickly. We cannot let it lie any longer, nor can we sit back while people from ethnic minorities feel as though they are being left alone and that no one is interested in helping them. I support the motion.

Mrs D Kelly: I support the motion, as amended. All too often, Members talk about lack of resources. At last, we are debating a strategy that will, if imple­mented, bring cultural and more immediate riches. We are beginning to see peace dividends through the diversity of those who choose the North as a place in which to settle or work. Many people who work in this Building are from the new enlarged European Union, and I welcome that. The Member for Upper Bann Stephen Moutray mentioned the number of people who are choosing to work in Northern Ireland, and, as he said, many of our hospitals and many industries within the agrifood sector would be unsustainable in the short to medium term if that labour force were not available.

Migrant workers also contribute to the economy by spending their wages in Northern Ireland, and some of them are choosing to bring their families and children to be fully integrated here and to attend our schools. It is, therefore, imperative that the strategy is implemented and that it does not become just another strategy that merely lies on a shelf. That will require a focused piece of work by OFMDFM, plus the necessary resources.

The racial equality strategy, on which the action plan will be based, aims to allow all members of society here to participate fully in their communities. In combination with the implementation of ‘A Shared Future’, the action plan will bring about a future without the segregation and intolerant hatred that has blighted us in the past. The implementation plans are about building a prosperous economy on an inclusive foundation. It has been said that all communities have something to offer; not to take advantage of that would be foolish and insulting.

The first action plan brought with it some noble ideas — some of which have come to fruition. For instance, the publication of ‘Your Rights in Northern Ireland: A Guide for Migrant Workers’, in association with the Human Rights Commission, was a welcome and useful step.

I note that some local authorities, through their good relations policies, have invested in material welcoming people to their boroughs. I am pleased to say that Craigavon Borough Council — in which I must declare an interest — has taken the lead on that. However, there is much more to be done, and there is an urgency upon us to do so.

As Europe grows and we prosper, there will be more at stake as regards how we maximise the contribution of a migrant workforce. One may look back on the experiences of the first Caribbean immigrants to Britain, or the Irish to America, and see how well they fared. We must not make the same mistakes.

The experiences of Manjet Sadu, which came to public attention last week, showed how far we have to go. It is a shame that swastikas have been displayed in Belfast in 2007. The SDLP has been working with Manjet for months and will continue to do so.

We will continue to offer our help to anyone who suffers that type of sickening hatred, until it is finally eradicated. I welcome the stated aim of the racial equality strategy to eliminate racism and racial inequality and hope to see it clearly reflected in the action plan.

11.00 am

I welcome the comments of other Members on their hopes for the eradication of racially motivated crime. I particularly welcome the comments of Mr McHugh of Sinn Féin, who urged the PSNI to bring to justice all those who perpetrate race-hate crime. We all recognise that we need the help of the community to do that. I hope that Sinn Féin’s aspiration on hate crime extends to all crimes. Specifically, Mr McHugh and his party must do all that they can to assist the police in bringing to justice the murderers of Robert McCartney.

There is a clear need for all arms of Government to work properly to make the racial equality strategy work. The Housing Executive, social services, and the Equality Commission must all be at the top of their games if the strategy is to succeed.

The strategy provides a great chance for Members to learn about co-operation and the success that that can bring. Let us remember that the racial equality strategy is not aimed only at the new Irish; it is also the means by which we can return to Travellers some of the opportunities that are currently denied them. I call on the Executive to examine preschool and childcare provision for minority ethnic people, and the Travelling community in particular, as places begin to become available. That investment will pay off not only culturally, but financially. We must bear in mind the morbidity rate in the Travelling community, and its particular healthcare needs.

I shall conclude with a quotation from the racial equality strategy, and a quick thought. Remember that this matter, including funding, is entirely in the hands of the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister. The strategy states that all Northern Ireland Government Departments commit themselves to:

“recognise and appreciate diversity within minority ethnic communities in terms of, for example, age, gender, disability, sexual orientation, religious observance and life choices, and take account of it”.

Mr Weir: I support the motion and I welcome the debate, which allows Members the opportunity to flesh out with practical measures the good message signalled by the Assembly on this matter during the early days of its current mandate. It was of great significance that one of the first actions of the Assembly after devolution was to host a reception for the various ethnic groups of Northern Ireland.

My constituency of North Down is home to a wide range of people from various backgrounds. Many communities in North Down pre-date the immigrant arrivals of recent years. As a result, there is a number of very active groups in North Down, such as the Oi Yin Chinese women’s group and the World Wide Women. Recently, Assembly colleagues Mr Stephen Farry and Mr Brian Wilson and North Down Borough Council colleagues joined me in holding an evening of cultural celebration with a group from the Malaysian community.

Generally, community relations in North Down are good. In particular, the council and a range of other groups have done good work. However, during any casual conversation with people from various ethnic backgrounds, the same message is heard: although the vast majority of people enjoy good relations, unfortun­ately, a small minority still indulges in casual latent racism. Some might say that whenever the drink goes in, the wit goes out. Unfortunately, sometimes, when the drink goes in, the true attitudes of certain people come out.

Let me make it clear that the DUP recognises racism as a problem in Northern Ireland and has consistently sought to do what it can to help to eradicate it. It has been mentioned that the focus in Northern Ireland has been so heavily on sectarianism — not unnaturally, given the events of the last 30 years — that the issue of racism has tended to be ignored.

I echo the remarks of Danny Kennedy about the BNP. As someone who has been publicly criticised by the BNP, I believe that the Assembly must send out a clear signal that there is no place in our society for the racial hatred that the BNP promulgates.

I trust and hope that when the BNP carries out a recruitment exercise, it will fall on stony ground. The vast majority of Northern Ireland people are hostile to its behaviour. However, we must realise that a level of racism is endemic in our society. That is demonstrated at a practical level by the high levels of racially motivated attacks that take place each year.

We must ensure zero tolerance of such attacks. People can be educated to move away from such attitudes, but we must also make it clear that racism cannot be tolerated or excused.

It is difficult to see how the Province could function without immigrants from eastern Europe and other parts of the world. Many work in our Health Service and deserve our immense gratitude — many hospitals could not manage without them. We benefit greatly from the presence of people from other parts of the world. Individuals from more than 60 nationalities now contribute to our economy and society. In towns such as Portadown, Dungannon and others throughout Northern Ireland, they make a vital contribution to industry.

With respect to practical measures, there must be awareness and adequate provision made for people from other parts of the world. It will be difficult for them to adjust to life in Northern Ireland in some respects. Simple tasks such as sending letters or filling in forms can prove difficult for those whose first language is not English. Employers should run induction and training programmes. Helpful advice relating, for example, to landlords and employment should be made available, as well as information on driving offences, car insurance and DVTA vehicle-test requirements.

Today, the Assembly must send out a clear signal that there must be no toleration of racism. We should all aspire to an inclusive society.

Ms Anderson: Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Ba mhaith liom labhairt ar son an rúin. I support the motion. A state or country must be judged by how it treats its most vulnerable people: the weakest, poorest, most disadvantaged, most marginalised and most excluded. That is the core of Members’ work in the Assembly — addressing the inequalities that have characterised decades of British direct rule. Among the most vulnerable are migrants and asylum seekers.

Nothing points more clearly to the way our society cares — or does not care — for its most vulnerable than our failures to deal with the indisputable growth of racist attacks and hate crimes. During the year 2006-07, the PSNI recorded 936 racial incidents. That is more than twice the number reported in the two previous years. A decade ago, it might have been possible for the police, the housing authorities, politicians and others to conclude that racism was not a problem in the North. That smug conclusion is no longer tenable. We must recognise reality.

In the North, racism has its own history. The Six Counties statelet has been subordinated to British rule. Britain has notable race problems, which the British state was obliged to recognise with the death of Stephen Lawrence. The report of the Macpherson Inquiry identified institutional racism. We in Ireland have been a part of Britain’s colonial history; and, with partition, an institutionally racist state was established: a Protestant state for a Protestant people.

There is much evidence to suggest that some loyalists are behind a significant proportion of racist incidents, and, despite what Peter said, there has been a failure on the part of unionist parties to address that. This state, now branded the racist capital of Europe, has its own autonomous racist logic, which we now have the chance — and the obligation — to address through the Good Friday Agreement, the Assembly and our work on a bill of rights. Through those, we can move forward to a society that respects all traditions and that values all human beings simply by virtue of their humanity.

We have a long way to go. The notion that we have all moved on, purely because some of us aspire to live in a non-racist society, and that a post-sectarianism, post-racism shared future awaits us, is false. Aspiring to create such a society does not make it a reality.

We live in a state that hides its incapacity to address rising levels of racism and sectarianism under the fig leaf of good relations. It is a state that refuses to confront racism and holds to a useless, outmoded community relations model. It is a state that imprisons its asylum seekers, who come to seek sanctuary from persecution. It is a state that teaches the population to fear others, and denies basic rights to migrant workers who have come from other lands to contribute, through their work, to our prosperity.

A most glaring example that shames each and every one of us is the case of the Ukranian lady whose leg had to be amputated because she developed frostbite as a result of sleeping rough. She had lost her job, and no one took her in or cared for her when she became destitute.

Last year, a report by Dr Robbie McVeigh on racism and criminal justice in the North, which was commissioned by NICEM, documented numerous interviews in which people talked of the police failing to act rigorously in cases of racist trouble; not dispersing attacking mobs; losing victims’ statements; and urging victims not to pursue a matter for fear of retaliation. The problem is not merely that there is evidence of failures to pursue prosecutions or to achieve convictions, but that the prosecution service does not even keep a record of the processes involved.

Mr Shannon: I support the motion proposed by Ms Lo. It is an appropriate motion for the Assembly to debate.

As other Members have said, the 2001 census showed that just under 15,000 people from an ethnic minority background live in Northern Ireland. However, it has been established that the true figure is probably double that, and is in the region of 30,000. It should be noted that the census figures do not include people from eastern Europe. Tony Blair’s open-door policy on immigration, combined with the peace that we have enjoyed in Northern Ireland over the past years, has resulted in an unprecedented number of asylum seekers, refugees and eastern European migrant workers coming to Northern Ireland.

I shall focus on eastern European migrant workers. Over the past few years, Strangford, like areas such as Dungannon and Ballymena, has experienced an influx of eastern European migrant workers. They have shown themselves to be incredibly hardworking and, on the whole, have adjusted well to life in Northern Ireland. They have sought to integrate themselves into our society.

My constituency has the largest Bengali population in the Province, and it is also home to a very active Chinese community — not for nothing is Ards called “Little China”. Those people have moved into the area, married, started businesses and created jobs. They have provided an economic boost for everyone in the area and they clearly contribute to society.

Of course, there are some people who refuse to accept outsiders and lambaste the Government for allowing them to enter the country, and, as they put it, “take our jobs”. I want to make one point clear by using the example of Willowbrook Foods, a food-processing company in my area. The work at the company entails standing all day and sorting through fresh vegetables, which migrants and immigrants do without complaint, and without taking sick days.

The business has large contracts with supermarket chains in Northern Ireland, in the Republic and on the mainland. The owner of the firm has told me that, due to the contribution of migrant workers, productivity levels have increased and that he can rely on his workforce to work hard and to get the job done.

11.15 am

That is another example of how important and integral those workers are to the overall process in Willowbrook Foods.Before Willowbrook Foods began to employ people from eastern European countries, the owner found it difficult to recruit local workers who were prepared to stay with his company. Some locals found the work to be particularly unsuitable.

As the company’s productivity has increased, so have the numbers of migrant workers that have been hired. Indeed, the owner recently hired more workers and his business is increasing. Those people work hard. They come into local towns to buy their bits and bobs, and they greet locals with a smile and a wave. They are integrating themselves into local society.

Last year, I attended a meet-and-greet event in Newtownards town hall, which was designed to allow locals to get to know the people who are involved with ethnic minorities in the area. I had a chance to talk to some migrant workers who told me that they have a happy life here and that they are content with their jobs and welcome being able to send money home to their families.

Not only are migrant workers in the Ards area employed in firms such as Willowbrook Foods, they work in nursing homes and similar establishments; often they speak amazingly fluent English. Therefore their integration is progressing, and Ards Borough Council is keen to promote their abilities and to help them to integrate further into local society.

Obviously, some of the people who come to Northern Ireland have different values and backgrounds. By no means can we endorse those who come here to carry out illegal activities; such people should have their licences to live here revoked and they should be sent back home. There is no space for those who wish to prosper through nefarious means and to the detriment of their countrymen who have migrated with them and of those who live in the Province.

That minority of opportunists and con men should not be allowed to reflect badly on the majority of good workers who want to use hard work to provide better lives for themselves and their families. That is why I urge not only the further endorsement of the racial equality strategy, but further consideration of the place in it for those from eastern European backgrounds. Many of those people come to my advice centre in Newtownards to ask about housing, benefits and other issues, and we are happy to point them in the right direction.

People who come to work here deserve to be accepted and integrated into our society. It is the Assembly’s responsibility actively to promote good relations with those who want to live and work peacefully in the Province. I support the motion.

Mr Elliott: It would be unfortunate if I did not respond to some of Ms Anderson’s comments and her misrepresentation of Northern Ireland’s unionist and Protestant communities in their attitudes to racial equality. Of course, although the Ulster Unionist Party has been proactive in its attempts to address racial hatred through membership of the Policing Board and the district policing partnerships, her party failed to take on those challenges for several years. At the same time, I am pleased that her party has decided to support a racial equality strategy, particularly after many years of ethnic cleansing throughout the Province.

Members from various parts of the Province mentioned how much we owe to our ever-increasing racial diversity, and that applies to my constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone as well. In my constituency, several successful businesses would fail to operate without the input of many hard-working migrant workers.

Racially motivated crimes reflect an underlying lack of awareness of the benefits of racial diversity and flag up the existence of barriers between the various communities. It is right that the Province is experiencing increasing racial diversity and that the Assembly addresses the racial inequality problems that can present themselves.

The police must not allow crimes committed as a result of racial intolerance. Discrimination and harassment on the grounds of race, whether in employment or the provision of public services, such as health, education or housing, are also unacceptable. However, it is unlikely that Government are always best placed to use rafts of legislation to impose changes.

Research suggests that legislating to reduce racial inequality does not always work. Work on the subject, which was published in 2005 by Middlesex University with the support of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, pointed to the inability of many policy initiatives to address the underlying attitudes and beliefs that form the foundation of racism.

‘Tackling the roots of racism: Lessons for success’ drew several pertinent conclusions, including:

“few organisations have any real evidence of what interventions reduce racism.”

and:

“Anti-racist legislation, including action against racial harassment, has not significantly improved workplace conditions for people from black and minority ethnic groups”.

As one might expect, such harassment frequently goes unreported by employees.

Successful interventions on tackling racism are largely education-based. Improving communication and mutual understanding through education has a huge impact on many of the preconceived ideas that one community holds about another. Education will lead to increased knowledge of the diversity of cultures and beliefs that exist in the Province. More importantly, addressing prejudices through improving knowledge will highlight what the different groups have in common.

The book also noted the important role that schools, universities, museums, and arts and sports venues play in reducing occurrences of everyday racism. Most importantly, it states:

“there is no one cause of racism or one solution to racism.”

Sport and recreation is one of the best forums for people — be they young or old — from differing backgrounds to integrate and build friendships across perceived divides. We in Northern Ireland have come to recognise that over the past 40 years.

The Irish Football Association (IFA), through, for example, its successful Grassroots programme and ‘Football for All’ community-relations campaign, is diligently working against sectarianism in sport, and that has a major knock-on effect for the wider community.

Sport and youth clubs have a part to play in improving racial integration and multiculturalism. Prejudice and misconceptions surrounding race are more likely to be eroded through voluntary and, dare I say, fun initiatives than through the imposition of more rules and legislation.

A strong element of individual responsibility is necessary if there are to be real and lasting improve­ments in racial equality. I am glad that that requirement has been noted in the racial equality strategy for Northern Ireland.

‘Tackling the roots of racism’ also calls for an honest debate on the issue.

Mr Deputy Speaker: The Member’s time is up.

Mrs Hanna: I support the motion and the proposed amendment to it. An attack took place in South Belfast last Saturday morning on a house in Dunluce Avenue in which seven Asian people live. Whatever the motive was for the attack, it was potentially murderous and could have had awful consequences. Those who carried it out must be brought to justice, because there can be no justification for, or understanding of, such behaviour.

The people who live in the house are professionals who came to Northern Ireland to contribute to our society, and we can benefit from their expertise. It is a shame that they were attacked by those who have nothing to offer society.

Dunluce Avenue is in the Windsor ward, which has seen significant demographic change in recent years. Its proximity to Queen’s University and Belfast City Hospital makes the area a magnet for immigrants, who bring new cultures, religions and life experiences to our society.

The latest demographic information available comes from the 2001 census, which is six years out of date. Northern Ireland is not in the same situation as the Irish Republic, where 10% of the population is foreign-born. However, that statistic may apply to the Windsor ward, but we simply do not know.

There is a lack of vision and strategy on migration and integration policy. There is also a lack of statistical data, which must be centrally collated before proper planning can be undertaken for schools, housing, health services and infrastructure.

I was shocked at the viciousness of the attack on the house in Dunluce Avenue. When I stood in the rain looking at the mess, I felt angry and depressed, so what must the victims have felt? I saw the burnt frame of a couch that someone had deliberately pushed up against the house and set on fire. All the windows were broken, and smoke had filled the house.

In light of the events of the past few days in London and Glasgow — indeed, we know a little bit about terrorism here, too — what must it be like for strangers to our land who are feeling deeply uncomfortable and isolated, especially in a society such as Northern Ireland, which is not exactly a byword for tolerance? To put it in common parlance, we do not do difference well.

We know, however, that economic and social well-being is tied to our success. That means that we must engage with all newcomers so that we get the best from one another. We could have a win-win situation, but we desperately need statistics to allow us to plan ahead as part of an immigration and integration strategy that anticipates future needs.

I am personally concerned about the people who sell the ‘Belfast Telegraph’ at road junctions. I do not see them selling many papers, so I assume that their pay must be very poor, and they suffer fumes from all those cars. And what about asylum seekers and illegal immigrants? We have responsibilities towards anyone who lands on our shores, especially those who are fleeing persecution. I have a moral concern for their welfare. We may be in danger of creating more poverty here unless we deal with those issues.

We need to get to grips with the issue. First, we need to implement fully the racial equality strategy. We in the Assembly and Executive need to get our act together in the form of an action plan. We must have a vision for a better place that can, and will, be enriched by new cultures, new religions and new experiences.

The Deputy First Minister (Mr M McGuinness): Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I welcome today’s debate and am grateful to Members for the many constructive contributions that they have made. I have listened to Members very carefully indeed, and the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister, in its plans for implementing the racial equality strategy, will be guided by what they have said. In the time that is available to me, I will try to respond to as many as possible of the points that have been made, but I will follow up later any points that I have not had time to cover today. In particular, I thank Anna Lo, who obviously has a very particular interest in the issue. She brings a wealth of experience to the debate that we disregard at our peril.

I remind Members that work is well advanced on the second year’s implementation action plan. At the request of the NI Council for Ethnic Minorities and other minority ethnic representatives, OFMDFM has allowed additional time before publication for discussions to take place between minority ethnic representatives and Departments about departmental contributions to the plan. We are convinced that those discussions will lead to a more strategic, focused and long-term action plan for racial equality across all Departments. I am also conscious of the point that was made by the Member for South Belfast about the need to extend the scope of the action plan beyond the Departments and into every section of society.

There are five key action areas that we can move on. We have asked officials, as a matter of urgency, to consider, in consultation with the Equality Commission, how we might introduce a system of minority ethnic monitoring. The two junior Ministers will also attend the next meeting of the Racial Equality Forum and report back to us in light of the criticism that has been made that the forum has become too big. NICEM will be asked to continue working with all Departments to deepen their understanding of the actions that are required to support racial equality. We will review progress on the strategy and the first action plan, and, in consultation with the Committee, we will bring forward a new three-year action plan for 2008-09 to coincide with the first year of spending after the Priorities and Budget exercise. The action plan needs to focus on a small number of important actions in key policy areas that will make a real impact on the lives of minority ethnic people.

11.30 am

Gerry McHugh compared emigrants from these shores in past centuries with our recent immigrants. All Members know the history of Ireland and how many Irish people, including people of Ulster-Scots origin, had to emigrate and make lives for themselves else­where. We would all do well to learn from the experience of those emigrants. Gerry McHugh also spoke about immigrants being made welcome and called on the PSNI to be more robust in tackling racism. He considers the contributions made by immigrants to be vital to our economy. I subscribe to that sentiment, which was a theme in most of today’s contributions.

Danny Kennedy made pertinent and important points about the racial equality strategy attracting widespread support. I agree that that is the case, both with the public and in the Chamber. He spoke about legislation not being enough to deal with new forms of prejudice and also about the important role of education. He alleged that the British National Party (BNP) is trying to organise here in the North over the Twelfth of July period, and I particularly welcome his condemnation of the BNP.

Stephen Moutray was absolutely right to say that our society is becoming richer because of the contri­bution that immigrants make to our economy, and I welcome his condemnation of attacks on immigrants. He rightly said that we are open for business; a recent visit by some Executive Ministers to the United States of America, where cities such as Washington, DC and New York have very diverse societies, underlined the importance of that message. I agree that we cannot afford to sit back.

Dolores Kelly pointed out that many of the staff in Parliament Buildings are new immigrants. Members have daily contact with those workers, who make a vital contribution to the running of this important establishment.

The Member for North Down Peter Weir rightly praised the organisation of ethnic minority groups in his constituency, and he referred particularly to the Malaysian group. I am pleased to hear that MLAs from a range of parties attended the evening event to which he referred. I welcome his criticism of the BNP and agree that it is to be hoped that its hate-filled words fall on stony ground. He is absolutely right to say that it is hard to imagine how we could function without the contribution of our new arrivals. He also said that the Assembly must send out a strong signal; all Members who have spoken in the debate have done that.

The Member for Foyle Martina Anderson said that the PSNI had received 900 complaints about racist behaviour. In 2006, there was a 60% increase in reports about racist attacks. The position of the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister is clear: we demand zero tolerance. Everyone should take on board Robbie McVeigh’s report on racial violence and criminal justice.

Jim Shannon made a particularly important contribution when he spoke about eastern European immigrants who live throughout the North and work incredibly hard. They, as well as the Chinese community and other groups, make a huge contribution to our economy, not least in the food-processing industry.

The Minister for Employment and Learning, Sir Reg Empey, regards racial equality as a priority. He wants to ensure that we have a modern and effective employment rights infrastructure to provide protection for workers and immigrants. The Department for Employment and Learning is consulting on a range of measures that are designed to protect workers’ interests.

The Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone Tom Elliott appeared to argue against the need for legislation; I cannot accept his argument. However, legislation alone will not solve the problem.

Martina Anderson and Tom Elliott had a bit of a tiff about their contributions. However, I stress that no section of society has a monopoly on racism. We must act to eradicate racism as quickly as possible.

Carmel Hanna spoke about the recent attack that took place in South Belfast. Whatever the reason for that attack, I agree with her condemnation of it. Mrs Hanna also spoke of a lack of statistical data. To address that problem, the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister has set up an indicators working group in which representatives from relevant Departments and other external stakeholders participate.

The First Minister and I deliberately decided that the first public event after devolution would be a reception for minority ethnic people and migrant workers. Indeed, the Member for North Down Peter Weir referred to that event. The aim of that reception was to celebrate the contribution that those people make to life here.

In the past number of years, increasing numbers of people have arrived here to visit, work and settle, and they have provided us with their valuable skills. The Health Service and many of our industries — particularly agriculture, food manufacturing, leisure and tourism, and construction — now rely heavily on the skills and labour of our new communities. Previously, the flow of international labour passed us by, but now we are definitely in the mainstream of that vital economic resource.

Thankfully, we no longer export so many of our brightest individuals, who once left because of a lack of employment, opportunity and a future. In the past, our outward migration enriched communities and strengthened economies elsewhere. Our community is now being enriched — and our economy being strengthened — by our new arrivals. If the economy continues to grow, as we intend it to, we will become increasingly dependent on workers from other countries. That will result in more businesses being owned by people who have recently come to our shores.

The talent, innovation and new perspectives that immigrants bring to us create enormous economic, social and cultural benefits for our society. However, we must acknowledge that the arrival of significant numbers of migrant workers has profound implications for existing — and planned — public services. The challenges of those implications will increase significantly as the planned investment in infrastructure takes shape both here and in the South. Inevitably, many of the workers that we need to help to renew our infrastructure will come from eastern Europe and further afield. The development of the Titanic Quarter is an example of that renewal. For instance, how many workers will be needed to regenerate that historic brownfield site? Where will they come from? Where will they live when they arrive? Will they bring their families with them? Where will their children be schooled? What about the availability of GPs and other medical services? Perhaps the most important question is: how do we support the host community?

When Dublin’s Croke Park was refurbished a few years ago, a roof was built on part of it. The GAA president told me during a match that all the workers who built that roof came from Russia and European countries. That highlights the challenge that we will face as we develop the Titanic Quarter.

All those questions — and many more — need to be addressed. The answers to those questions must become the foundation of our forward planning and policy making for the North. We cannot, therefore, avoid seeking answers. Such planning will be a significant and pressing issue for the Executive and the Assembly to deal with. A great deal of hard work is in front of us.

Many Members will be aware that a Ballynafeigh family suffered a horrific onslaught simply as a result of the colour of their skin. The House has heard of other similarly sickening stories from across the North. Minority ethnic people and migrant workers are too frequently subject to violence and hate at the hands of a small number of bigots. The tiny minority of perpetrators may feel threatened by difference and target those who they perceive as vulnerable. However they seek to justify their actions, their activities are shameful. They have nothing to offer, and they have no place in modern society.

The police and criminal justice agencies are at the front line of tackling racist thugs. The Executive have pledged to do all in their power to combat racism and sectarianism, and they will continue to work with the police and criminal justice agencies to do so.

However, as Jim Shannon rightly said, it is vitally important that communities and neighbours take the brave step of standing alongside victims to demonstrate that it is not just rhetoric; but a cause that moves us all to action.

As I speak today, Niall Ferrin — a 15-year-old child from north Belfast — is critically ill in hospital as a result of a vicious attack in north Belfast on Friday evening, in which he was beaten unconscious. The House must stand united — and I believe it is united — in condemning that terrible assault as totally unacceptable.

A LeasCheann Comhairle, widespread violence is thankfully a thing of the past. However, sectarianism, racism and intolerance are still all too evident and continue to mar our reputation and blight our economic prospects. Unless they are tackled, they will poison the body politic. There is a need to be clear-sighted about the nature and scale of the challenges that our increasingly diverse society poses to all of us — Government, wider civic society, communities across the North, and to each of us individually.

I am proud that there are numerous examples across our society where individuals, church groups, community associations, trade unions and others have extended a friendly and helping hand to minority ethnic people and migrant workers who have come here to throw in their lot with us. Councils are also carrying out some excellent work. I have been privileged to see some of that work at first hand; the recent opening of the Multicultural Diversity Centre in Derry, where local people have come together with those who are new to our shores to work to ensure that their integration is satisfactory for them and everyone else.

In one of his first engagements as a junior Minister, Gerry Kelly was last week involved in launching an excellent report at the Jethro Centre in Lurgan, which set out how the Southern Health and Social Services Board intends to rise to the challenges posed by our increasing diversity.

Therefore, we have to act on the lessons that were all too painfully learnt elsewhere. The issue is also every bit as much about how we provide services, or fail to provide services to minority ethnic people and those who hold different beliefs. Therefore, the services provided by the Executive and its agencies must — and will — promote racial equality. If they do not, those services risk creating or reinforcing racial inequalities.

The racial equality strategy was developed in partnership with representatives of minority ethnic people, including the Member for South Belfast Anna Lo in her former job. Therefore, the actual plan was also developed with the involvement of those representatives.

Mr Deputy Speaker: Time is up. Thank you. I call Mr Gerry McHugh to give the winding-up speech on the amendment, and I remind him that he has five minutes to do so.

Mr McHugh: Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I was wondering if I would get up to 15 minutes — I would actually need that amount of time to cover the issue. The motion as amended would show that the Assembly is keen to deliver something that is focused as regards the first annual implementation action plan and other plans.

It is important that the Assembly is specific about that and that it is open to doing things differently. Peter Weir talked about sending a positive signal from the Assembly. We can act differently — like the Scottish Parliament, which has been a role model in how to act differently — from our direct rule predecessors. Direct rule Ministers, although talking about this issue, may not have delivered much that would make a difference to the people involved.

I thank everyone who spoke on the issue plus the Committee members, Chairpersons and the Minister. Everyone seems to be taking the same line in condemning attacks. Members from all sides of the House are saying that we should be moving towards zero tolerance of any such attacks.

Carmel Hanna pointed out the effect that such attacks have on the victims — and that they are not just statistics. That is important. Communities need to make it clear that they will no longer tolerate just talking about the issue; being against what is happening, and standing idly by while their neighbour is attacked — as happened in Enniskillen. I ask communities to support that family and show the local thugs that such attacks are not going to happen in the future.

That that happens is important. MLAs who have spoken in this debate must show leadership. We also need leadership from members of the community, who should stand up, be counted and show that such attacks are not to be tolerated.

11.45 am

Danny Kennedy said that education is urgently needed in order to deal with the situation. A sense of underachievement and how they perceive themselves can lead people here to misread what is happening. Those who have moved here fill very important jobs, which often cannot be filled by anyone else, so they have a powerful contribution to make to the economy.

We remember the Celtic tiger economy, as it is known, in the South. I go so far as to say that the growth rate here in the North could not be sustained without the input of all those who have moved here. People need to know that, and they need to know that our continued growth will very much depend on everyone in society.

If only we would embrace those who come in. If only we would embrace people from ethnic minorities. It is a bit like the argument from years ago, when many societies did not embrace women for decades, or even for centuries. How much stronger would a society be were it to embrace all those people who contribute to its daily running? It is important that people realise that.

Stephen Moutray referred to mindsets, and that is an important factor. Community groups and others, including the political people here, can break those mindsets down.

Too many points were made by Members for me to refer to them all, but condemnation of the British National Party was certainly one that stood out. It is important to condemn that party. It is unacceptable that the BNP should be allowed to operate in any society.

Martina Anderson probably made the toughest speech, given all the points that she made. She talked about people who are marginalised, deprived and vulnerable. Hate crimes and attacks simply cannot be tolerated, no matter what the religions involved are. Figures show that Fermanagh has had no such attacks in recent years. The reality, however, is completely different.

I thank all Members who contributed to the debate and ask Members to support the amendment.

Dr Farry: I thank Anna Lo for proposing the motion on what is a very important matter. The debate has been very useful, and some important issues have been flagged up. I am sure that this is the first of many debates that the Assembly will have on the racial equality strategy in the months and years to come.

It is important that we look at the reason behind our tabling the motion and focus on its substance. We are trying to get across the message that the racial equality strategy and the first associated implementation plan, although in place, are, in some respects, deficient. Much good work has been done, and progress is being made, but the voices that we are hearing in ethnic minority communities in Northern Ireland are telling us that gaps and deficiencies exist that must be addressed. It is important that we focus on what Anna Lo said at the start of the debate about that. She said that we are too process-orientated, when we should be concentrating on what can be delivered. Racial equality has become too much of a tick-box exercise, and it is overly focused on our 11 Departments. It does not place sufficient obligations on the different statutory agencies that fall within those Departments’ remits.

We must move from a situation in which we are supplying more and more information leaflets in different languages to one in which training is provided for those people who must deliver services. That includes their learning languages so that they can deal with all the people who want to avail themselves of those services. We want to ensure that people, irrespective of their background, have full and equal access to the services on offer. We need to deal with participation in public and private life from the top down. Although Anna Lo has broken the mould in politics — not just in Northern Ireland but in Europe — she must be the first of many. Many people need to follow in her footsteps in politics and in other aspects of public life. We must ensure that there are voices in all the public bodies across Northern Ireland.

Education must be addressed and our information-gathering improved. Carmel Hanna made reference to the information from the 2001 census being badly out of date. Another census is not due until 2011, four years from now, and that simply will not do with regard to making good, sound, public-policy decisions.

Those considerations should be mainstreamed throughout our policy. Historically, public policy in Northern Ireland has been based around the notion of two communities: a British, Protestant, unionist community, and a Catholic, nationalist, Irish community. Insofar as those models were ever relevant, with the growing diversity in Northern Ireland, they are certainly not now. We must think very carefully about how we address public-policy issues, and change our mindset to reflect a much more diverse society, including not only the traditional, indigenous population, but those who have come to join us.

Much has been said about the importance of diversity. It is important that we do not simply tolerate, but actually respect, difference, and appreciate the value that diversity brings to our society. Integration must be considered, as well as diversity. People who now live in our community want to join it. We do not want an “us” and “them” situation, in which we try to break down barriers to improve services but retain that mindset. We need to move from “us” and “them” to “we”. We are all part of the same community in Northern Ireland, a community that is becoming much more diverse, and we should value that. Under that umbrella, we respect and recognise the richness of the diversity, not just from our own traditionalist cultures, but from the new cultures that have joined ours.

The Deputy First Minister referred to the experience of the United States. I have spent considerable time working there and recognise the huge progress — especially in the large cities — in building an integrated society, and that the service sector is based, fundamentally, upon a large number of people who have come to live in the United States in recent years.

With regard to the scale of the problem, we must be clear that racist attitudes are more deeply ingrained in our society than even sectarian attitudes have been, and research from the University of Ulster bears that out. Members have made reference to the BNP, and it is important that we soundly condemn their activities. I have no intention of giving any further oxygen to that organisation, except to say that if its members ever raise their heads from the shadows and put themselves forward for election, I would like to think that the people of Northern Ireland, through the ballot box, would tell them, in the strongest terms, where to go.

There has been a very high level of hate crime in Northern Ireland, not only based on racism, but on sectarianism and homophobia, and we should appreciate that it is a very wide issue. There is a higher rate of incident per head of population in Northern Ireland than in England and Wales. Some improvement has been made in the services. For example, the PSNI is to record such offences and deal with the victims; however, a lot more work needs to be done.

I have great concern about the failure of the courts, so far, to employ legislation, that was passed in 2004, that allows for a racist motivation to be considered as an aggravating factor in sentencing. That is based upon the same legislation that applies in England and Wales, and in Scotland. To my knowledge, that legislation has not been employed by our courts. That is a major omission. Through that failure, we do not send out the message that a hate crime is not only an offence targeted against the individual victim or his or her family, it is an offence against all of society and the notion of a diverse, multicultural Northern Ireland. In order to get the proper deterrents, we must send out, through the courts, and in the strongest possible terms, a tough message that such actions will not be tolerated.

Martina Anderson referred to the British state as being institutionally racist, and that those from a Protestant background are more inclined to engage in racism. We must be extremely careful in what we say. Racism is a problem right across our society; it is not unique to any one section of society. Moreover, with regard to the British state’s being racist, yes, the British State has been institutionally racist —

Ms Anderson: I remind the Member of what I said. I did not talk about the Protestant community. I said that loyalists — and people in NICEM support that view — have actually been involved in such attacks.

I was challenging the unionist parties, which I and many others believe have not done enough to address that matter. I was not talking about the Protestant community; I was talking specifically about loyalists who are involved in attacks, and there is evidence to suggest that what I have said is correct.

Dr Farry: There may be clear evidence of an association between loyalism and racist attacks, but that is not the only source of racism in our society. There has also been racism from republican circles. Therefore, we must ensure that we take a balanced approach to this matter.

The British and Northern Irish states have been institutionally racist, and the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry bears that out. However, that is not unique to the British state, and we must be careful to prevent this debate from becoming a Brit-bashing exercise. All states around the world, including the Republic of Ireland, have problems with institutional racism. The French even refuse to acknowledge that there are racial differences in their society — that highlights the scale of the problem. We must address what the state is doing, but let us not say that the British state is guilty in isolation of racism.

Some Members have stressed the importance of diversity and the important contribution that migrant workers have made to our economy. Danny Kennedy made the point that they are not here to take our jobs, but that we need more people to work in our economy for it to grow. We all know that Northern Ireland has a small private sector compared to the public sector. We cannot fill posts from our levels of potential workers — we need more people to come, so we should be open to that. The recent economic strategy, flawed as it is in many other respects, recognises that.

Members made other points about the importance of good relations at council level and about taking on board issues that relate to a more diverse society. Members also pointed out that the phraseology of “community relations” has now become “good relations” — it is no longer a case of Protestants versus Catholics.

Mr Deputy Speaker, can you clarify whether I have another minute to speak?

Mr Deputy Speaker: I can clarify that you do not have another minute.

Dr Farry: The amendment does not add much to the motion, but we are prepared to accept it, rather than divide the House because it is important to send out a united message.

Question, That the amendment be made, put and agreed to.

Main Question, as amended, put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly urges the Office of the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister to review, as a matter of urgency, progress on implementation of the Racial Equality Strategy for Northern Ireland 2005-2010 and the First Annual Implementation Plan; and to bring forward proposals for its own detailed plans for the period 2008-2011 to achieve racial equality and an inclusive society for our increasingly diverse community.

Respite Provision

Mr Deputy Speaker: The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for this debate. The Member who moves the motion will have 10 minutes to propose and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who wish to speak will have five minutes.

Mrs I Robinson: I beg to move

That this Assembly demands improved respite provision for those with special needs.

It is my privilege to propose the motion, which is timely because a report has just been published which confirms what we all knew: that expenditure per child on personal social services in Northern Ireland was £287, compared with £513 in Scotland, £429 in Wales and £402 in England.

Respite care is vital to ensure that families are equally and fully supported. Respite care allows for much needed breaks for carers, but also provides the opportunity for children and adults with disabilities to have a change of scene and a change of carer, which can be a positive and welcome new experience for the individual.

12.00 noon

Only last week, the Assembly unanimously passed the motion:

“That this Assembly calls upon the Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety to ensure that all carers, formal and informal, can access services and support to maintain their own health and well-being, to recognise financially the vital role they play and ensure uptake of all entitlement benefits.” — [Official Report, Bound Volume 23, p42, col 2]

Respite provision is a major problem for carers, many of whom are the sole caregiver for a family member. Eight out of 10 families provide more than 15 hours of care every day. Such a high level of constant and intensive care, without pay or holidays, places an enormous burden on the carer. Family relationships often suffer, and time spent with other family members, including other children, may be severely limited. Without adequate respite care, a carer’s physical and mental health is at risk, as the endless pressure of providing care takes its toll.

Yesterday, I spoke to a woman who highlighted one of the many problems that she and her family face. I, and many others, had not fully appreciated the problem, and it is one that most in the Chamber would not tolerate. She told me about her inability to plan for breaks or holidays because confirmation that respite care will be provided is not always forthcoming. Having submitted a request for respite care in February, to date no decision has been made that will allow her to make arrangements for a well-deserved holiday for her and her family.

There are an estimated six million carers throughout the United Kingdom and a staggering 200,000 in Northern Ireland. Eight out of 10 families have reached, or come close to, breaking point because of the lack of respite care services. As of December 2006, 19 adult patients across Northern Ireland had been waiting for over a year, and 52 for between six and 12 months, to receive respite care.

There are concerns about the provision of services and facilities for young adults with special needs or learning disabilities, particularly those who are profoundly disabled and have complex needs. There has been a lack of age-appropriate respite care in Northern Ireland for many years. When young adults with special needs or learning disabilities turn 18 or leave school, they are moved from children to adult support services at an average age of 18 or 19.

That often causes young adults with special needs to lose contact with their social workers from child support services. Such upheaval can cause considerable distress to a young adult who has established a relationship with a particular social worker only to be assigned a new one who may not have the same skills and experience of working with young adults with special needs.

There are considerable gaps in the provision of adult support services. There is a lack of appropriate facilities for young adults with special needs. There is a particular lack of age-appropriate respite and/or day-care facilities to provide the support and assistance that young people with special needs require.

Several weeks ago, Mrs Margaret Butler from Bangor, whose 19-year-old son has severe learning difficulties and requires 24-hour care, contacted my office. Stephen and his parents have been assessed as requiring 72 days of respite care each year. Since Stephen turned 19 in April 2007 and is no longer able to access care in a children’s unit, the family has been unable to access age-appropriate respite care facilities. The Law Centre (NI) has also assisted the Butlers to try to get their case examined in more detail. However, the South Eastern Health and Social Care Trust advised the family that in the Bangor area, young adults aged 19 and above are generally offered respite care in a range of registered residential or nursing homes. The majority of residents in such facilities tend to be older people. Young adults would have no peers to communicate with.

The Butler family has been offered respite care at one facility, but that option is not only age-inappropriate but unsafe, as Stephen loves to crawl and would be unable to do so safely there.

The South Eastern Health and Social Care Trust proposed a new four-to-five bed respite unit at Stewart Memorial House. That was originally planned several years ago. The building was completed — but remains vacant. The trust has put a proposal to the board for funding for the unit. I urge the Minister to pursue that matter with the utmost urgency. As I am sure Members will agree, that is a scandal, never mind the cost incurred for a building sitting idle.

A further problem is the lack of gender-appropriate facilities for people who require respite care. That is particularly evident in the provision of respite care for women with brain injuries. As most road traffic accident victims tend to be men, there is a lack of appropriate facilities for female victims who require respite care for brain damage.

Day-care facilities do not provide residential care, but they do provide a welcome change of scenery for an individual with special needs, and a break for his or her carer. Once again, there are insufficient day-care facilities available, and places are strictly limited.

The Carers and Direct Payments Act (Northern Ireland) 2002 gives carers the right to request an assessment of their individual needs and places an obligation on trusts to meet the needs of carers as assessed, including the need for respite care. The Act contains a duty to provide the services — yet no extra funding was earmarked to meet its requirements.

Carers represent one of the most socially excluded groups of people. To date, the Government’s inclusion policy appears to have failed. Many carers remain unaware of their rights under the Act, and further awareness raising is required regarding the right to an assessment of need.

The health and social care trusts must consider the allocation of resources to ensure that when assessments are completed, funding is in place to carry out the recommendations, including any need for respite care.

The right to assessment for people in need of respite care is contained in section 4 of the Disabled Persons (Northern Ireland) Act 1989. Section 3 of the Act contains a duty to make written statements if requested; to specify the need as assessed; and to specify how the assessed needs will be met. The section was never enacted in Northern Ireland.

Furthermore, no equivalent provision was enacted for carers’ assessments. Instead, a good practice guide was issued by the Eastern Health and Social Services Board in 1999, but was largely ignored. Section 3 of the Disabled Persons (Northern Ireland) Act 1989 must be enacted. An equivalent section could be enacted within the Carers and Direct Payments Act (Northern Ireland) 2002. If enacted, those sections would ensure that both carers and those in receipt of care have the right to request a written statement. That would clarify the extent of assessed need and how it should be met and would also create a more open and transparent system.

Ms S Ramsey: Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I commend Iris Robinson for bringing this important topic to the Assembly. One of the first debates that we had in the new Assembly was about the lack of services for children and young people. It is ironic then that one of the last debates before the summer recess is dealing with similar issues. I thank the Minister for Health, Social Services and Public Safety, Michael McGimpsey, for attending the debate. I look forward to what he has to say.

As children’s spokesperson for Sinn Féin, I am particularly concerned at the impact on children, young people and their families of the lack of provision of respite care. However, the picture is not an unfamiliar one. When it comes to children’s services, there is not enough provision for all the children and families who need it. This puts substantial pressure on existing provision.

The reason why the Assembly so often raises the difficulties and issues faced by families and their children is due to the underfunding of children’s services. I commend the Department of Finance and Personnel and OFMDFM, and I commend the Commissioner for Children and Young People who is launching a report on the lack of spending on children and young people in the Six Counties.

As well as the overall lack of provision, the range of services required is not sufficient. That is why young people — particularly once they reach 19 years of age — are put into services that are not designed to meet their needs but the needs of older people. The proposer of the motion has covered the stark statistics involved, so I will not repeat them.

I thank Mencap for its recent report outlining the effect of respite provision on families, and I recommend it to all Members, as it makes for stark reading. We need a more individualised package of care and range of services, which would enable us to wrap a package of care around the child or young person to support them in having as full a life as possible. Respite provision should not be about papering over the cracks or holding a family back from breaking point. It should be about the kind of experience that will enable a child or young person to enjoy a more fulfilling life. For instance, it might be more appropriate for a young person aged 15 or 16 to have a mentor or peer support worker who could accompany them to an inclusive facility for a planned weekend, rather than simply having a residential-based service that cares for a range of children with complex needs.

Sometimes there is tension between the experiences of young people and the needs of their carers. If we only take a family-support approach to respite provision, then the danger will be that the views of young people will be isolated and sidelined, which is something that we do not want to happen. There can be tension between the parents’ need for support and the children’s and young people’s needs for normal experiences. Therefore, it is vital to listen to the families and young people involved before developing the kind of service that will allow the needs of both to be met.

There is also the need to address the policy and legislation involved. Some respite-based services are regulated and inspected on the basis that they provide a service for looked-after children or children in care. Other services are regulated and inspected on the basis of a private residential system. Trusts can sometimes be viewed as the corporate parent, and children can be treated, in policy terms, like children in care, but that approach is not appropriate and does not work.

In Scotland, the policy is much clearer: disabled children needing respite care are not treated as looked-after children. It is essential that legislation and policy on respite provision be reviewed to clarify the regulation of services and the responsibilities of trusts, providers and parents.

Further services must also be developed. For example, a range of accredited organisations has been developed to provide services directly to families. As the previous Member said, parents should receive direct payments and have direct contract with such services, rather than always having to go through the trusts. As things stand, the current services are mixed and are not flexible enough to meet the needs of young people who reach 19 years of age and therefore fail to get the type of response they need.

If we are to improve our response to the children and young people with special needs who need respite care, we must maintain the current level of provision while providing extra investment to develop new services and the clear policy and legislative framework needed to sit alongside that. Our children and young people deserve no less. I have great pleasure in supporting the motion.

Mr B McCrea: This is about the third time that I have spoken on this important subject. I want to speak on an issue for people with severe learning disabilities — what they themselves would refer to as the “mentally handicapped”; and that is something that can be said without fear of contradiction. There is a danger that when learning difficulties are talked about, people think that it refers to dyslexia. However, some people have severe problems from the day they are born. It is not something that will get better or that they will grow out of, and those who look after them must to do so for the rest of their lives.

12.15 pm

That does not detract from the other issues that hon Members raised. Jim Shannon and I agree on the issue and have talked about it at length.

Imagine the peculiar and awful situation in which an 83-year-old is expected to look after someone who is 60 years of age. At that time of their lives, people are supposed to be retired or getting some help. However, those carers feel that they alone must take up the strain because of the very special needs of the person for whom they are caring. A person who has special needs requires 24-hours-a-day, seven-days-a-week care. It is almost impossible to comprehend what dealing with that situation is like for someone who is aged 83.

I look forward to hearing the Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety’s comments. His attitude and approach to the issue are commendable. One of the first things that he did when he took up his ministerial post was to meet some carers from my constituency in Lagan Valley.

I mentioned that meeting because people who care for those who have special needs bring practical assistance to the situation. A little bit more thought and planning would make life so much better for those people. I note that during Question Time yesterday — which, unfortunately, I was unable to attend — the Minister accepted that current respite provision is inadequate and unsatisfactory. Undoubtedly, he will address those issues.

When I read through the Hansard report and saw the range of ways in which respite provision might be addressed, it was clear that one size does not fit all. Indeed, I know that from my own experience. Very properly, the Members who spoke before me have mentioned the need for gender- and age-appropriate facilities. It is a problem that someone who has severe learning difficulties may be aged 25 but has a mental age of a six- or seven-year-old. If such people are put together, en masse, there may be occasional inappropriate behaviour, and that causes all sorts of tensions. We must find a way to resolve those issues. Although I fully support the suggestions on gender- and age-appropriate respite provision, we must also make special provision for those who have learning difficulties.

Quite often, people who have learning disabilities present with multiple problems. As a result, nursing home staff and those who might otherwise be expected to provide respite care run a million miles from those people because they do not have the specialist skills and facilities to look after them. That makes it even more difficult for the carers to get the respite that they require.

I talked about some very good examples of respite care that works; for instance, people who have learning difficulties may be housed together. However, just like the rest of us, people who have learning difficulties do not necessarily get along with everyone else. There must be flexibility in order to get the right people together in the right rooms. Otherwise, there will be tensions.

I am encouraged that there are examples of good practice, albeit limited. I encourage the Minister to have a look at those examples. His doing so will inform our thinking on the way forward. I am hopeful that he will be able to provide some reassurance on the matter. It is important to discover what works and what the practicalities are. Let us not be grandiose. Let us take them in the order that gives the maximum benefit for the minimum investment: so little would do so much for so many people. I would just like to finish —

Mr Deputy Speaker: Order. The Member’s time is up.

Mrs Hanna: I support the motion. The spectrum of need is very wide, and it must be remembered that each person — the carer and the cared-for — has his or her individual needs and personalities.

Organisations that work in the interests of people with special needs — and their carers — have carried out research that demonstrates a shocking lack of available, accessible and appropriate respite services in Northern Ireland. There has been a failure to prioritise and to meet the needs of people with disabilities and their families.

Respite provision is the most important service for people who have dependents with special needs, yet it is the most difficult to obtain. Carers are sometimes forced to refuse offers of respite because the service is so unsuitable for the needs of the person who is being cared for, or because of the system’s impossible restrictions on time and availability. Carers who are seeking respite are often made to feel that their request signifies their inability to cope with their responsibility and that only those who speak up forcefully and threaten court action are likely to receive attention.

Carers often have to face excessive bureaucracy — there are meetings after meetings, from the front-line manager to the programme manager to the multi-disciplinary team, and still no decisions are reached, month after month. Carers cannot plan, yet the person who comes into the home to lend a hand can chat about their impending holidays. It should be the same for the carer; they deserve respite, need it, and are entitled to it.

I spoke to a woman who graphically compared her life as a carer to Nelson Mandela’s time in prison. She said that she spent the same number of years caring. Stuck in isolation as a carer, she has had a great deal of time to read the equality strategy, the carer’s strategy and about her human rights. She asked about her rights: where was the evidence-based practice? Carers do a job out of love and responsibility that would cost the Health Service a fortune.

Research has shown that fear of a postcode lottery exists because of inconsistency; in care assessments across health trusts; in the processes of assessment and evaluation; and in informing carers of the services that are available. There have been instances in which carers have been discouraged by social workers who, because there are insufficient resources to support the identified need, demonstrate the pointlessness of the assessment exercise.

According to a 2006 Mencap survey of families with dependents with disabilities in Northern Ireland and England, only one in 13 children with a disability receives a regular support service in the form of a break or direct payment to their carers. That situation has to be considered alongside the fact that seven out of 10 families of those surveyed provide more than 15 hours of care every day. Five out of 10 families of those surveyed provide care during the night. The lack of carers’ assessments is the main element of the paucity of provision. Half of the families surveyed had not been subject to a carer’s assessment, and half of those who had been assessed had still not received any services at the time of the survey.

Other Members have mentioned the growing number of ageing carers in Northern Ireland whose children with special needs have left the school system, entered adulthood, and have developed more acute levels of need due to deteriorating mental and physical health. Currently, 37% of carers of adults with a learning disability are themselves aged 65 and over. Indeed, if the carer dies, it is often the case that no emergency bed is available for their dependent. Think of the worry for those ageing parents —

Mr Deputy Speaker: The Member’s time is up.

Mr McCarthy: On behalf of the Alliance Party, I support the motion — I note its use of the word “demands”, in relation to the provision of respite care for those with special needs. The motion expresses the urgency of this matter, and I hope that, after resolution of the motion, the Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety will act immediately to carry out the will of this democratically elected Assembly.

Speaking from experience, I can assure the House that respite care to provide a break for people who look after someone with a severe or profound learning difficulty, or even with mild special needs, is a lifeline. The service must be expanded across Northern Ireland without delay.

I pay tribute to all the professional people in specialist-care settings who do an excellent job caring for special-needs people, whether young or elderly. Even if only for a few days, those members of staff, who are trained to a high standard, face the same complex and behavioural problems as the families of people with special needs. On behalf of those of us who need that service, I thank those people; we are extremely grateful. However, more must be done in the provision of respite care.

The people who need respite care are also grateful to those members of staff because the care takes them out of their homes and allows them to get used to new staff and different environments. That can only be good for everyone concerned.

Unfortunately, respite-care facilities are grossly underprovided for in Northern Ireland. As a public representative, I am continually being asked, or told, to campaign for more respite-care places. Therefore, I take this opportunity to inform the Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety — who I am glad is here today — of what is happening in our communities. Yesterday, in an answer he gave to a question on the inadequate level of respite facilities in Northern Ireland, Mr McGimpsey recognised that the shortfall in those services is unacceptable.

I am also informed that another attack on the most vulnerable in society has been thrust upon carers by the health authorities. People are now being charged for the provision of such necessities as incontinence pads and sheets. How low can the health authorities stoop? Those items are essential requirements for many people, particularly those with special needs and learning difficulties, and our elderly. They are necessary to keep people free from skin infections and bedsores, to increase hygiene and to keep them out of hospital. I appeal to the Minister to ensure that all essential items that are required to enable all our people to enjoy good health are provided through our National Health Service, whether at home or in a respite-care facility. Any question of charging for those items must be abolished immediately.

I fully support urgent action to provide extra respite care throughout Northern Ireland.

Mr Craig: I commend my party colleague Iris Robinson for bringing such an important issue before the House. The debate provides a good example of the benefits of devolution and the real changes that can be made to people’s lives. It shows that our own Health Minister can make real decisions that affect real people.

Members are all too aware of the concerns and fears that carers have about the provision of care for their loved ones who have learning disabilities. Anything and everything that can be done to help carers to look after their sons, daughters, brothers, sisters or close family friends should be done to ensure that help is at hand, where and when it is needed. That is why quality respite provision is essential if we are to help carers to continue to deliver the loving and professional care that they are deliver every hour, every day and every week, and, in the case of most carers, every year.

In many cases, care is not provided by the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety or by the trusts: it is delivered solely by family members and close friends.

Carers have other commitments that the rest of us take for granted. Whether those are family or work commitments, or simply mundane tasks such as going to the shops, it can be a real struggle to find someone to step in to provide much needed help.

12.30 pm

If one considers the lack of provision of respite care in my constituency of Lagan Valley, one can clearly see the job of work that lies ahead for the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety. In Lagan Valley, 830 people require respite care, and 18·2 beds are available to provide it. Last year, 145 people used those beds, which means a startling figure of 689 indivi­duals did not receive respite provision. Unfortunately, those numbers are replicated throughout Northern Ireland. That leads carers to feel isolated and without the necessary support and help.

The new Assembly faces many challenges. If Members are to make a difference to the quality of the lives of people with severe learning difficulties and their families, we must act, and act now, to provide proper respite care throughout Northern Ireland.

I commend the Minister and the Chairperson of the Committee for Health, Social Services and Public Safety for meeting carers from my constituency. Those carers were deeply moved by the interest that was shown in the issues that they raised. I appreciate that this debate is just the start of a process that will bring to the fore issues that affect people with learning disabilities in the Province, but I look forward to developments.

Mrs O’Neill: Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I welcome the opportunity to speak to the motion. I agree with what has been said about respite care. It is vital in order to ensure that everyone in families is supported equally. Respite care provides those families with opportunities for much-needed breaks and the disabled person with a potentially positive experience.

The provision of respite care must be accessible, appropriate and adequate. That has not been the experience for many families, and there appears to be a common theme occurring. A family from Mid Ulster who have a 19-year-old son with severe physical and emotional needs recently contacted me. Throughout those 19 years, the family never sought help or assistance from social services. However, due to her being diagnosed with cancer, the young man’s mother, who is the primary carer, asked for respite care. That lady was told that there was no appropriate local provision and that the nearest facility in Magherafelt could not cater for her son’s needs. As an alternative, the family were offered a place in a respite facility in Bangor or three days a week in an adult day-care centre. The family felt that both those options were inadequate. After weeks and months of speaking to social services, the family sought support from their elected representatives, and it was only then that they were made aware of the availability of the direct payment facility. They are now proceeding down that route, but, nonetheless, that is an example of a family in great need who were let down by the system.

I also have concerns about age-appropriate facilities. I met with a group of disabled young adults in their twenties and thirties who were forced to accept respite and/or day care in residential accommodation that was designed for the older population. That is unacceptable and the Assembly must address the matter as a priority.

I welcome the Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety’s comments in response to my question in the Chamber yesterday about unsuitable accommodation for young people with disabilities. He deemed accommodation designed for older people not to be acceptable for people with disabilities; however, he recognised that there has been a history of that being the case in the Department. He also suggested that the Department is endeavouring to move away from such practices and that strict protocols are now in place. Despite those comments, I still have concerns that the Department continues to display the same mentality. The case that I have mentioned is a prime example of that.

As elected representatives, Members have a respons­ibility to the people to ensure that proper respite care is provided and that those with disabilities, and their carers, are not marginalised further by the Department’s policies and practices. With that in mind, I support the motion.

Mr McCallister: I support the motion. I concur with the majority of comments made by other Members. A big concern of mine is how lack of respite care can affect the health of carers. Almost 21% of carers who provide over 50 hours of care each week say that they are in poor health, compared with 11% of non-carers. Respite care is critical because the last thing that anybody wants is for carers to fall into poor physical or mental health. I am delighted that the Minister is present to address the issue.

Some Members, such as my colleague Mr Basil McCrea, mentioned cases in their own constituencies. As a member of the Health Committee, I am pleased that we had the opportunity to meet and have lunch with carers and hear first-hand accounts of their experiences. I hope that the Committee will avail of the opportunity to visit them and see some of the work they do.

Carers play a vital role. Mrs Hanna and Mr McCrea mentioned situations in which an 80-year-old is looking after a 60-year-old. Carers have additional worry and stress from thinking about what will happen in the future and who will look after the disabled person when they are gone. The Assembly must overcome those hurdles and endeavour to alleviate the added stress that cares experience.

Mr McCarthy mentioned the need for more respite-care places. That might be an option. However, the Assembly must consider all options in order to decide the best way to deal with the issue. Mr McCrea spoke about best practice. The Assembly must consider the options and the areas in which respite services work better and aim to replicate that across Northern Ireland. That is vital.

Ms S Ramsey: My point was that the answer is not simply to throw additional money at services, but to consider the circumstances of individuals and their families and design the services to meet those needs.

Mr McCallister: I thank the Member for her inter­vention, and I have no difficulty with her suggestion. I agree wholeheartedly with her view that cases must be considered individually in order to establish how best they can be dealt with. There should not be a one-size-fits-all approach. Nor should it be assumed that provision of more respite-care places in certain areas is the answer. The Member is absolutely right: a broader approach must be taken in order to tackle all the issues. I support the motion and look forward to the Minister’s comments.

Mr O’Loan: Like other Members, I want to consider the situation from the point of view of families who are directly affected. Let us put ourselves in the position of the main carer of a child with severe learning difficulties — in this case, that person is the child’s mother. The child is a teenager who needs constant care every waking minute. There must be 24-hour vigilance and readiness to respond, which continues seven days a week, 52 weeks a year and has been the situation since the moment the child was born.

As is so often the case, the parents are trying to maintain a normal life for themselves and their other children. We can only begin to imagine the pressure of such a regime. Although everyone in the household loves the child, the demands on it are colossal.

In families such as that, respite care is needed. We should consider the reality of such a situation. Parents are told that a local centre can provide respite care for their child, but demand for its services is huge. In practice, the centre can offer very few overnight stays. When offered, respite care is cancelled repeatedly, often hours before their child is due to be admitted. The parents might be advised that because the centre’s other clients have behavioural difficulties, its facilities would not be suitable for their child. The parents are then offered a place at another centre, thirty miles away — it is not ideal, but they accept that place. They are offered two weekends a month, but, shortly after­wards, they are told that because the centre is short-staffed, it can only offer one weekend a month. Their child attends the centre for one weekend’s respite care. However, a few days before the second weekend, the centre tells the parents that that place is no longer available. Can Members imagine the parents’ desperate need for the break that that weekend of respite care would provide? Can they imagine the let down felt, and difficulties faced, by those parents, who may have booked a much-needed weekend away?

The parents begin to look to the future: their child will soon enter adulthood. Everything that they know suggests that facilities for adults are even worse than those for young people. The local day-care facility is a prefabricated building in an industrial estate, with inadequate resources. Is it any surprise that those parents feel a sense of dread about the future?

I have raised this scenario with the Northern Health and Social Care Trust, the management of which I hold in high regard. The following quote is from a letter that the management sent to me:

“The Trust acknowledges the need to modernise and reform daytime support to adults with learning disabilities and to this end has reviewed current arrangements and produced a strategy for future provision. This strategy covers the period 2007-2011 and sets a challenging agenda for the Trust”.

Members know what a trust is really saying when it states that it “sets a challenging agenda”. Although I have much confidence in the Northern Health and Social Care Trust’s management, what confidence can we have that the strategy will produce results over that period?

The example that I outlined earlier highlighted the real problems that exist at the delivery end of the healthcare system. We must do better. At the crux of the issue is a lesson that the Assembly must learn in all aspects of its work: if public-expenditure funding is higher here than in other parts of the UK, we must find ways to better use our resources. That is the fundamental challenge for the Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety on respite care, and for the Executive on all issues.

Mr Savage: I thank Mrs Robinson for tabling the motion. I am delighted to join with fellow MLAs to debate respite care in Northern Ireland. Respite care is important. It is essential to thousands of people in families across the social and political spectra of our community. We must work together to identify ways to provide appropriate respite care for the elderly, the sick, our fellow citizens with mental-health problems, the disabled, and, in particular, our young people.

For a long time, the Government have relied on the generosity of the silent — almost invisible and forgotten — army of carers, who have taken on work and respons­ibility, and given their own time to care for loved ones. Do we even know how many people care for family members who have Alzheimer’s disease, an elderly parent, or, more increasingly, a family member with a mental-health issue? In response to a question from Lady Hermon, Paul Goggins stated that:

“In 2007-08 the Government will invest an additional £11.5 million in community care services designed to help vulnerable people to live independent lives.”

Do Members believe that that is enough money? Where is it being spent? How much of it will be swallowed up by administration? What are the benchmarks of success against which we will be able to measure the effective­ness of how the £11·5 million has been spent in helping those in need and in assisting the army of carers who have to carry out the same tasks every day while discuss­ions are going on and plans are being considered?

12.45 pm

I have long been associated with the Buddy Bear Trust Conductive Education School in Dungannon, which specialises in helping children who have cerebral palsy. Many Members met the school’s chairman, Mr McConville, and one of its students, Daniel Murphy, when they were invited to sign the pledge of support photograph — which had been signed by the leaders of all political parties. The parents and children at the Buddy Bear Trust school hope that Members will be able to help them.

The parents of children who attend that school said that they realised that their lives would never be the same again when they discovered that they had a baby with a disability or with special needs. Those parents claim that their child’s disability was compounded when they saw that family members were nervous about babysitting. That is when the social isolation began. The absence of a babysitter and respite care means that parents are not able to go out together to social events, functions or even weddings or funerals. As their child develops, parents have to make alternative arrangements for their other children so that they can accompany their disabled child to meet consultants, principals and psychologists. There is a time delay in the statementing process, so the parents and child will be lucky to see those professionals.

Those parents complain that education and health services did not provide them with a comprehensive pack of information including full details of the education options and the available health and social care provision. They are particularly angry and disappointed that the education boards did not inform them about the availability of special care schools. The parents of some of the children who attend the Buddy Bear Trust school are planning to raise those and other issues with the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People, Patricia Lewsley; the Chief Commissioner for Human Rights, Monica McWilliams; the Health Minister; and the Education Minister. Those parents want good-quality respite-care provision and well-equipped accommodation that is well staffed by qualified and caring professionals who can meet the various needs of their children.

In the Upper Bann constituency, the Southern Health and Social Care Trust has stated that the dermatology and respite care facilities at Lurgan Hospital will close. That is a serious matter, because that hospital provides valuable facilities and care. That closure was reported in the press earlier this week. I do not believe everything that appears in the press, but I urge the Minister to put people’s minds at rest.

The Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety (Mr McGimpsey): I thank Mrs Robinson for tabling this important motion. The Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety is aware of the statistics, which have been well rehearsed. There are an estimated 16,500 people with a learning disability, and 4,500 of them have a severe or profound learning disability.

I acknowledge that respite provision has, historically, been underfunded. There is not enough respite provision available, particularly for those with complex needs. Those individuals with special needs are living longer, their needs are becoming more complex, and the demand for respite provision is increasing. That is the challenge that is facing us.

There were 400 children awaiting respite at the end of March 2007.

Let me be clear: waiting times are not acceptable under any circumstances. I am seeking to address that issue in order to ensure that needs are met. I am also examining ways in which respite services can be extended and improved when setting budgetary priorities — that is one key way in which progress can be made.

Mrs Robinson mentioned the report of the Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People on expenditure per child. In comparison with the rest of the UK, spending per child in Northern Ireland is very poor.

Declan O’Loan mentioned the levels of funding and public expenditure. Health and social services in Northern Ireland are underfunded to the tune of £400 million — and I am not the only one to say so. That is the amount that would be required to provide parity of provision with England, Scotland and Wales.

The Commissioner for Children and Young People, Mrs Patricia Lewsley, made comparisons between health and social services provision here and in England, Scotland and Wales. As citizens of the UK, the people of Northern Ireland are entitled to exactly the same provision as people in England, Scotland and Wales.

It is a fact that health services are underfunded to the tune of £400 million. That figure was arrived at as the result of an exercise that was carried out by the previous direct rule regime and it was accepted by the Department of Finance and Personnel, and by the Department of Health, Social Services and Public Safety. That exercise was spearheaded by the then Secretary of State. An independent expert was appointed to assess needs and examine funding. When examining public expenditure against the entire block grant, one might be able to make an argument on the per-head figures, but one must also examine need. However, the assessment exercise was carried out specifically on health.

That does not explain under-provision, but it does, to an extent, explain why priorities are crunched. Sometimes priorities are crunched in a way that is not universally acceptable — certainly not to those in this Chamber.

Health and social care trusts provide a wide range of respite care throughout Northern Ireland in residential and family settings. Respite care can take many forms; it can be delivered in a person’s home or through day facilities and residential care homes. Many Members will be aware that respite care can be provided to meet a client’s personal needs or the needs of carers and their families.

In answer to Ms Ramsey’s point about family care, respite is based on a family-care plan. That is the key building block that has been adopted in the provision of respite for carers and their families. Respite care offers valuable time for carers and families to alleviate the stress that comes with always being on call, and it offers learning-disabled people opportunities for a change of environment and stimulus. That important point was raised by John McCallister.

Mrs Hanna mentioned the Mencap campaign ‘Breaking Point’, which specifically argued for short breaks, and followed a campaign in the rest of the UK that examined the value of such breaks.

There are many ways in which the Health Service is striving to improve and develop respite care services, including: increasing non-residential respite schemes for children, such as after-school clubs; developing respite services that are provided in a family setting by specially trained host families; and specialised child-minding services to provide parents with a break from caring.

I am aware of the constantly changing needs and trends in respite care and of the continual increase in costs. Further resources will always be needed for care, and we must seek innovative ways of delivering services. Several trusts have appointed a manager to act as a co-ordinator for residential respite for adults with learning disabilities. I am disappointed that Mr O’Loan’s experience in interaction with the trusts has not been as positive as it should have been.

That has already had a significant impact on improving efficient use of respite beds across the statutory and voluntary sector and in providing parents, carers and professionals alike with a better access to the service.

In 2007-08, my Department will invest a further £11·5 million in community services across Northern Ireland that are designed to support independent living for everyone with a disabili